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Edith Faulstich – A Communicator Before Her Time
EDITH M. FAULSTICH (FISHER)
A PHILATELIC JOURNALIST AND PUBLIC COMMUNICATOR
PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE PUBLIC COMMUNICATION GRADUATE PROGRAM
SCHOOL OF COMMUNICATION
AMERICAN UNIVERSITY
Washington, D.C.
In Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts
Researched and Written By:
Alice Margaret Fisher
COPYRIGHT 1997
I dedicate this biographical research project to Edith M. Faulstich and Susanne A. Roschwalb. Two women communicators before their time, who despite their hardships continued to exhibit passion and total commitment to their “rose.”
My dear Nana, you pounded out the Siberian Sojourn to leave a legacy for the families of those forgotten soldiers from W.W.I. Your race against time and your model communication project will echo in my heart and the hearts of many for years to come. You are the source of my inspiration, the source of my drive and the source of my energy to succeed despite the frailties and injustices life presents.
Professor Roschwalb, you showed up in class at exactly 9:01 a.m. during your last fall at AU after being in the hospital all night with complications related to cancer (unbeknownst to our cohort, your last cohort to study under you). You graded our finals in your final weeks, made personal hand written comments to each of us. Your professional model of communication goes beyond the call of duty and stands as a legacy to me about what it means to be a true communicator despite the fragility life presents.
My mentors, you departed this world before I could fully benefit from your vast knowledge and life experiences. I am hungry to know more about what makes one a successful public communicator and about your life-long accomplishments. I am wiser from your quiet messages through example, commitment and passion. You are, and always will be with me.
Your models of communication resonate louder and longer than words ever will. You have become the wind beneath my wings. I will move forward with your examples in my heart. Some of Edith M. Faulstich’s articles and her book, The Siberian Sojourn are being compiled and reformatted. Her other works and some old photographs are also being formatted for placement on the Internet. They will be available in the near future (Author’s NOTE: Please see the other content within this blog)
a.m.f. 5/1998
Acknowledgments
In preparation for this biography, degree, and course work, I had to enlist the support and dedication of my children, Steven, Angela and Johanne. I asked for their commitment so that we could move forward together as a family. As a family, we have lost much time together and we all know what it is like to start over again and again. We all know what it is like to work very hard for the betterment of the whole family.
Thank you from the bottom of a mom’s heart. I really know what a sacrifice of hours you have made and all those missed Saturdays which have passed us by. This has been an education and a degree for all of us, and for our future.
Thanks kids–for we have truly gained more than we thought we had lost.
Thanks to Robert E. Ligon III (Buddy) for being the cheering section I needed and for driving my kids around to places so that I could have a few precious hours on the computer. Thanks for your encouragement to me personally on a daily and weekly basis and at three in the morning sometimes.
Thanks to Donald H. and Frankie A. Fisher, my parents. I am where I am because of your examples and those early childhood work ethics. I still have not forgotten all the grass we had to cut, barns we had to clean, cows we had to chase from neighbor’s gardens and the wheel-barrow loads of peas we had to shell. You often said, “Hard work never killed anyone,” and I love you for those words today.
Hard work has become my friend, helping me move forward amid this personal race against the odds and against time. I now prepare to move forward, in this race and beyond.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter I: Introduction………………………………1
Statement of Purpose ……………………………………………….1
Study Significance………………………………………………….2
Study Limitations…………………………………………………..3
Study Overview……………………………………………………..4
Chapter II: Faulstich Her Life and Work …………..6
Dee’s Younger Years…………………………………………………6
From Poverty to Journalism…………………………………………..8
From Journalism to Siberia ………………………………………….13
From Siberia to President………………………………………….. 22
Dee’s Commitment to a Cause………………………………………….28
Chapter III: Conclusion……………………………..31
References
I : Introduction
In his renowned story, The Little Prince, Antoine de Saint-Exupery said, “C’est le temps que tu as perdu pour ta rose qui fait ta rose si importante. Les hommes ont oublies cette verite.” This quote is literally translated as, “It is the time you have spent for your rose that has made your rose so important. Men have forgotten this truth”(Saint-Exupery, p 87).
By completely devoting most of her available time to philately, Edith M. Faulstich successfully moved beyond the social stigma of divorce, beyond poverty, and sexism in a race against time.
Racing against time, Faulstich became the first philatelic woman journalist, first woman author about WWI’s Siberian Expedition in Russia, and the first woman president and communication manager of any philatelic organization. Faulstich implemented a dynamic multiplicity of factors to operate as a journalist, a persuasive communicator, a research expert, an editor, an author, a communication manager, and the first women president of the Postal History Society.
In the end, Faulstich raced to communicate against the ravages of time for philately, for the lives of the forgotten soldiers who were left in Siberia and finally she raced against time for her own life.
Statement of Purpose
This paper presenting Faulstich will demonstrate that through journalism and public communication she used a multiplicity of communication factors such as journalism, extensive research, profound knowledge, communication management skills and a relentless commitment to a cause, to become a successful international public communicator for philately. But above all, she passionately gave of her personal time.
Study Significance
Journalism history, public communication history, and scholars have yet to study and recognize the multiplicity of journalism and communication management skills Faulstich possessed.
She functioned with only a high school education and accomplished multiple professional public relation practices that preceded today’s formal training and public communication theories. Her work is significant enough to assure her a well deserved place in journalism and public communication history even though such recognition has not yet been granted.
This study is also significant because she was able to obtain journalism work. It was difficult to get journalism work in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s.
“Through the late 1940s, 1950s, and into the 1960s, the same kind of woman who had been welcomed at the city desk in wartime couldn’t get past the front desk. Some of the men who blocked their way merely mirrored the views of the day. Women’s place was in the home; the newsroom was no place for a lady. . . . . Newspapers rarely hired women” (Mills, 65).
There have been numerous and specific communication studies about women, women as minorities, barriers to women’s success, women’s roles, gender, discrimination, comparative intelligence studies and factors that hinder women’s professional success.
There has been a great deal of successful discussions about the pros and cons of how women are treated differently. Additionally, there have been studies about differences in professional positions, professional advancement, salary differences, glass ceilings and the positions assigned to developing female and male communicators. This study is significant because the focus is on Faulstich’s success and contributions rather than the factors that hindered her progress as a woman.
Likewise, little has been reported on what communication factors contribute to personal success as a communicator. Hence, a large void in the public communication field has developed from not recognizing Faulstich’s contributions to journalism and public communication and what facilitated her work as a philatelic communicator.
Furthermore, this study is important and significant because it will demonstrate that despite obstacles, Faulstich was successful as a journalist and public communicator.
Study Limitations
As with any research, many expansive aspects from an original concept about what constitutes success before one’s time may emerge during the research process. Furthermore, this study recognizes the heated debates of feminist and gender issues in women’s successes, failures, and/or injustices. One can speculate that if this presentation and research is aligned with one or more minority groups, it may incite certain opposing reactions. Some theorists relate poverty, gender and activism with success or failure. This study focuses on the communication aspects relative to Edith M. Faulstich the person, and the dynamic multiplicity of communication skills that added to her success as a model journalist and public communicator.
This project is limited to the fact that there may not be any similar studies examining the multiplicity of communication skills used by Faulstich. This research is limited in that there may be relatively few, if any, successful women journalists and public communicators in similar avocations who had an impact on so many people with such far reaching communication results.
Although this study touches on philately and W.W.I., this study will not address these topical subjects in extensive detail nor will it analyze broadcast media. Future research may warrant comparative studies of other successful nontraditional public communicators who used a multiplicity of journalism and public communication skills, without formal training.
Study Overview
This paper consists of three chapters. Chapter one includes the introduction, statement of purpose and objectives, study significance and study limitations. Chapter two presents Edith M. Faulstich: her younger years, her journalism, her research work about the Siberian Expedition, her presidential term for the Postal History Society and her commitment to a cause. This chapter also looks at what it was about Faulstich that lent to her successfully managing public communication through her journalism skills, her research skills, her profound knowledge about postal history, her management of public communication, her strengths, her weaknesses and suggestions for further research.
Chapter three will present a conclusion culminating the high points of this study demonstrating Faulstich, with recommendations for future research.
II: Faulstich and Her Work
This chapter presents Edith M. Faulstich: her younger years, her journalism, her research work about the Siberian Expedition, her presidential years for the Postal History Society and her commitment to a cause.
Dee’s Younger Years
Edith M. Vanderpoel was born on May 22, 1907. As a child, she came “from a very upper-middle class family.” The generations before her had owned some large homes and property, as well as several saw mills on the Hudson River (Map of Kinderhoock, 1686). She had it all as a child and the family lost it all. She regained her family’s prominence and her wealth through her journalism and public communication (author’s interview, no. 1, 1995).
As a child she developed the nick name “Dee.” The development and transformation of the name came from her Swiss-German grandfather, Conrad Bollinger. When ever he tried to pronounce Edith it always came out “Edit.” It sounded like he was always saying eat it. To avoid embarrassment he began calling her Dee. Throughout her life she was known as Dee.
One occurrence appears to have become a pivotal point in Faulstich’s life. Faulstich knew she was intelligent and despite what others thought, she was not a quitter. At Park Ridge High School in 1925, Edith had enrolled in Mr. Smerber’s tenth-grade geometry class. It was not that she needed the class to graduate, but all her friends were in the class. She was a very social person, but be it known, Edith was not a flighty person by nature and always gave her best at any given task. Part way through the geometry course, Faulstich realized she and math did not mix. Never having done so before and after considerable deliberation, she asked to withdraw from the class. Mr. Smerber brought her up from her wooden desk to the front of the class and stood her up on top of the platform where his desk reigned. Before the entire class of 25 students, Mr. Smerber proclaimed that she was a quitter, a looser and that she would never amount to anything” (author’s interview, no. 1, 1995).
Despite the embarrassing incident in front of her classmates she graduated from high school in 1927. Later in her life, this incident would become the opening remarks of a speech she would make to a large philatelic audience in southern New Jersey.
Due to the death of her father, Faulstich was unable to go to college but took a secretarial course. “She married at the age of 20 and had two sons” (Deutch, 2). Her married name became Edith M. Fisher. By the early 1940s, she was a divorced woman alone with two sons to support” (author’s interview, no. 1, 1995).
Faulstich faced many personal and financial trials as a single parent. Divorce in those days caused a quite a social stigma. Also, it was a man’s world and the only professions open to women during those early years were teaching or nursing. Women were not often afforded the opportunity to attend college. Instead, they generally held menial tasks as receptionists, secretaries and stenographers.
Faulstich started out as a stenographer and it did not make her happy. But the job brought in money to feed her children. Women were not very involved with factory work (author’s interview, no. 1, 1995). Faulstich lived behind a house in a garden bungalow, daily she traveled to the city, by rail, to work as a stenographer. She earned forty dollars a week, twenty-eight dollars per month went for traveling costs into the city. She worked from seven in the morning until six at night. She had a difficult time working long hours for little pay, overcoming financial difficulties and raising two children by herself (author’s interview, no. 1, 1995).
Faulstich had a great deal of emotional resilience. Faulstich “had what they called in those days, ‘moxie’”(author’s interview, no. 1,1995). Moxie is a slang term that defines the capacity to confront obstacles and difficulties with spirit; courage and guts (American Heritage Desk Dictionary, 1981, p. 631). She had a proactive inclination to respond purposefully to existing problems or events.
Purposefully, Faulstich started stamp collecting as a hobby with her sons. In the beginning, it was a way for Faulstich and her children to do something together. It was a good way to spend some precious quality time together.
Faulstich “had a ‘yen,’ a longing, to write” and she was not a shy person (authors interview no. 1, 1995). In the beginning with her philatelic work, Faulstich wanted to know how people communicated before preprinted governmental stamps, before 1840. She then wanted to promote and increase awareness about the value and need for postal history.
Additionally, there were several intangible elements about Faulstich that were also an integral part of her work. The intangibles were her emotional passion and the personal time she invested in philately which lent to her success. She was genuinely interested in people and how postal history affected people. The human component was very important to her.
From Poverty to Journalism
As a journalist, Faulstich was able to succeed quite well as an advocate for philately in an all male work force and an all male philatelic organization.
In the mid 1940s Faulstich found her place in the news and newspapers did hire her during the 1940s, 1950s and into the 1960s. She went to the Bergen Evening Record /The Record and talked to the editor. Faulstich persuaded the editor to begin printing a stamp column because of the large number of stamp collectors and stamp clubs in the local area. She presented her facts and findings and effectively convinced the editor that there was a vast interest in philately (authors interview no. 1, 1995).
Bergen County had about one-half million residents. There were numerous stamp clubs, including the Pascack Stamp Club in Park Ridge, New Jersey. There was a need to inform philatelists about the value of postal history (authors interview no. 1, 1995).
Copies of her articles from The Record show that Faulstich wrote about new stamp releases throughout the world. One particular article printed on November 10, 1949 discussed two forth coming stamps being released by the Irish Government. In her article, “Two Specials Announced by Republic of Ireland,” she discussed the release date, and how the stamp would serve to preserve the official commemoration of Ireland becoming recognized as a Republic, on Easter Monday. Faulstich also discussed Muriel Brandt, the well known artist who designed the stamp. Faulstich concluded her article by providing information about local club news for various clubs (The Record, Paul Wilder, Librarian, March 18, 1997).
In her November 5, 1949 article for The Record she wrote news about an election, “Bergen Philatelists, Inc. Elect Siccardi President,” (The Record, Paul Wilder, Librarian, March 18, 1997). On another occasion she wrote about the release of an Australian stamp recognizing the exploration work of Lord John Forrest of Bunbury, Australia. Faulstich recounts Forrest’s accomplishments as a surveyor telling about his travels, discoveries and the maps he drew of Australia (The Record, Paul Wilder, Librarian, March 18, 1997).
The Bergen column was so successful that she then persuaded the Newark Sunday News editor to create and print a stamp column. “Like ‘Topsey’, it just bloomed” (authors interview no. 1, 1995).
In 1947 Faulstich began writing on philatelic subjects regularly, an association which lasted more than two decades” (Deutch, 1973). The former The Newark Sunday News regularly ran her articles in section A. Every week the newspaper ran a “World Stamp News” column written by Faulstich (Library of Congress, The Newark Sunday News, call number: newspaper 7002). One of her articles printed in the July 2, 1967 edition discussed, “Three magnificent designs, reproducing famous British paintings…” that were issued by Great Britain on July 10, 1967.
She also elaborated on a local stamp show to be held in November 1967, and several other stamps that were forth coming. She then concluded with some interesting news. Normally all post offices are closed on the Fourth of July. But the Rome, New York post office would be open on the Fourth of July that year. The city was slated to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the ground breaking for the Erie Canal, which took place at Rome, July 4, 1817. Faulstich announced that ceremonies would include commemorative Erie Canal stamp sales and first day covers with special cancellation dates for each, the 8th U.S. Air Force Band and a congressional speaker (Library of Congress, The Newark Sunday News, call number: newspaper 7002, July 2, 1967).
She wrote until 1952 as Edith M. Fisher, this with The Newark Sunday News, and the Bergen Evening Record. She remarried in 1952, to Fred Faulstich. Hence from that time forward she was known as Edith M. Faulstich.
Moreover, her newspaper articles reflected the depth of her research skills and knowledge about many philatelic subjects. The following excerpt clearly shows salient details reflecting the depth of her philatelic knowledge and postal history.
From time immemorial the carriage of the mail and efforts toward speedy delivery have been the concern of man. Today, as we lick a manufactured gummed seal envelope, place a stamp on the upper right corner and mail the message, we are confident that barring an act of God, it will reach its destination safely and quickly and remain as private as when we sealed it. It is therefore, some-times hard to conjure up the problems our forefathers and theirs had, before there were any stamps, any gum, any envelopes-in fact before there was any organized mail delivery.
In earliest times man had to seek writing material. This was sometimes a leaf, or a stone, or the bark of a tree on which he drew pictures to convey a message. Thousands of years before Christ, clay tablets were baked and scribes, learned letter writers, were employed to inscribe the message in the clay which was baked until hard in the sun or in a kiln.
At first, there were crosses to signify the desire for safe carriage in the sight of God. Then threats began to be used. Along about the 15th and 16th centuries we find covers with hand drawn gallows signifying a dire threat, by hanging, to anyone who looted the mails or to any courier who failed to get the message to its destination, for the woods were full of footpads waiting to intercept the mail. A marking of “Cito” once, or repeated many times, indicated that great haste was required. Other words such as ‘subito,’ ‘presto’ and misspellings of ‘Cito’ are found on early mail (Faulstich, 5-6).
Postage stamp printing began in 1840 and mail delivery routes developed around the 1870’s. Before the formal carriage of mail, letter carrying was primarily accomplished by a personal carrier.
Her journalism skills were not confined solely to philately. Furthermore, she used the multiplicity of journalism and communication management skills she processed to write about many other subjects which often focused on human interest themes. The diversity of her journalism work served her well so she could network deep within the local communities.
As a journalist and communicator Faulstich used her persuasive abilities. Faulstich conducted three famous interviews. The first was with the character who played Lamont Cranston. Cranston was the “Shadow” in the original radio show. “The Shadow” was developed in 1930. The radio program ran from September 26, 1937, until December 26, 1954 (author’s interview no. 1, 1995).
The second interview was with Lauritz Melchior. Melchior was a leading German opera singer and stamp collector who granted but a few personal interviews during his lifetime (Lockhart, Kori, San Francisco Opera, 1997).
The third interview was with Jane Mansfield a famous actress from the 1940s and 1950s. In writing about her, Faulstich felt that Mansfield was a very intelligent and charming women (authors interview no. 1, 1995).
In the late 1940s and 1950s Faulstich wrote for the Westchester Life Magazine. In 1948 she wrote a whimsical article titled, “Why I Picked a Swiss Grandfather.” In 1955 she wrote, “From Our Portfolio, Elanor Gale,” a well-known ceramic sculptor who studied under the famous Winold Reiss. She also wrote about Amy Lee Jensen, author of the “Pony Express.”
Faulstich had a certain persuasive ability and she was a networker among people. “She could wiedle just about anything, without ever alienating others” (authors interview no. 1, 1995). She befriended all who came to know her. They knew her as a great people person.
As a people person, “Faulstich never posed a threat to the other men’s wives. She had an honorable sense of character, she was always a lady; never tried to make passes and she was always professional. Faulstich had a style of her own that brought her great deal of respect and honor from the community” (authors interview no. 1, 1995).
From Journalism to Siberia
Faulstich wanted to know how people communicated before stamps, especially before 1840. She first became interested in Swiss postal history and then general postal history. There was so much she could research about and communicate to others (authors interview no. 1, 1995). She was extremely prolific in her writing.
Faulstich began researching and writing about postal history because government sponsored mail and stamps had become mundane to her. She always wanted to know why and how people did such-and-such. If she did not know why, she would research or find someone who knew. She wanted to communicate what she found and was intrigued about how to communicate her findings (authors interview no. 1, 1995).
In the mid 1950s Faulstich began to perform preliminary research about Siberian mail. It had been said to her in several conversations that few soldiers carried any mail back to the states. They were told to unload everything except what was absolutely necessary. These types of comments made for a tough assignment for any person doing research about Siberia.
Faulstich began researching and managing the Siberian Campaign in 1956 or 1957 and her “Saga of the Mails,” as she called it, expanded dramatically.
Faulstich wanted to know how the severely neglected and forgotten soldiers from the Siberian Campaign during WWI communicated. She learned that the soldiers communicated about this sorrowful part of history with their personal letters. Faulstich learned that few people knew about the atrocities these soldiers had endured. The best way to find out the truth about the atrocities was to locate the letters written by the soldiers themselves. Faulstich found a need to verbally communicate her factual findings related to the Siberian Campaign and postal history.
Faulstich found, through research, there were many American soldiers left in Siberia, after the end of WWI. These soldiers were called the Siberian American Expeditionary Forces, Siberian A.E.F. Hardly anyone knew about these soldiers in Siberia or why they were there. Many men froze to death or died of other causes while in Siberia with their story untold and unrecorded in history books. Faulstich discovered Americans had not been told about these forgotten men. She wanted to communicate the real story about the soldiers.
Additionally, through her networking and her persuasive abilities, Faulstich obtained extensive supporting materials; military documents, letters, censor marks, postmarks, photos and personal diaries and letters of soldiers from WWI.
During her early research she learned many of the soldiers were still alive and dispersed all over the United States. She began by trying to compile a list of the survivors. Faulstich contacted an entire Army one by one. She began writing personal letters and visited the soldiers in person, to gain more knowledge about the campaign and to see if she could find any postal covers. Her research turned out to be a project that required a great deal of organization and thought. Hence her research became a very complex and a very involved endeavor that took up a great deal of her time.
In digging beneath the surface, Faulstich found that the mail from Siberia was considered scarce. The mail to Siberia was often overlooked by stamp collectors. She was told it would be very difficult to find any surviving mail. She said that many collectors researching for material overlooked the importance of associated material, or some unrecognized element that could be of use to postal-history research.
Faulstich saved all that she found regarding Siberia. She meticulously managed and kept all of her research work in cream colored file cabinets in her own home, lining the walls an entire room. Her research lasted fifteen years, resulting in many articles and a two-volume book about the soldiers in Siberia.
Her work and files are archived at Stanford University. Stanford University is noted for its extensive holdings related to Russian materials and research. Hoover Institute’s archivist, Carol Lendeham, said “most of the material I looked through were newspapers, newspaper clippings, and magazine issues in boxes nine and ten of Faulstich’s papers. They were all relating to the A.E.F., Russian Railway Service Corps, YMCA, etc. experiences in Siberia, including materials from groups made of up of veterans of those organizations” (Stanford University, Carol Leadenham,
leadenham@HOOVER. STANFORD.EDU, February 28, 1997).
Faulstich is listed in the 1996 Stanford University’s Hoover Institution Archive Holdings on the Soviet Union.
Her name is indexed on page 18, column two. Faulstich’s holdings are noted in the following manner.
Faulstich, Edith M., d. 1972, collector.
Collection, 1918-1975.
27 ms. Boxes, 18 envelopes, 7 oversize boxes.
[ID: CSUZ79068-A]
Summary: Diaries, letters, and reminiscences of members of the American Expeditionary Forces in Siberia, Reports, notes, printed matter, and photographs, relating to American military activities in Siberia during the
Russian Revolution.
Indexes: Preliminary inventory.
All materials in the 27 boxes are listed in alphabetical order, listing more than 327 separate categorical topics, people, diaries, mail or items related to the American military activities in Siberia.
She authored an article describing her research experience. She wrote about how she went passionately seeking for more knowledge of and about the Siberian Campaign. She visited the soldiers personally, she wrote and visited the United States War Department, she wrote articles in
journals encouraging response from others. Her personal involvement and the time committed to learning more led her to visiting the soldiers homes personally. She wrote amorously about her findings.
As her research flourished, Faulstich “wrote intellectually and passionately about the victims of the war” from her research (authors interview no. 1, 1995). She obtained and was given samples of letters, photos and diaries which provided fodder for her book and other journal articles. The
following excerpt shows some her excitement and commitment to her work.
In the course of my research for first-hand information over a period of years, I had occasion to write to the late Kenneth Roberts, the historian whose novels have stirred so many of us. He was most helpful with information but did not have a single cover either to or from Siberia. However he suggested that a Mr. Ralph Baggs might be able to help me. I lost no time in writing to Mr. Baggs, a former Lieutenant in the Siberian A.E.F., and a correspondence of several years ensued.
Nevertheless, through the years our association became friendly and when he retired to his New England home my husband and I were invited for a visit. We had a most enjoyable time and were fascinated by his stories of happenings in the land of ice and snow but our knowledge about postal
history was not enriched.
On another visit a year or so later, I asked him shamefacedly if he wouldn’t search the house for some Siberian memoirs. “Surely you must have something,” I said. Not a darned thing he replied in characteristic style, “Except maybe in the cellar–if I ever get to it and get the thing open, there might be some of my notes in an old trunk down there.”
A trunk! My heart leaped and I immediately recalled tales of finds in old attics and barns. Mr. Baggs assured me, however, that there would be no great find, if there was anything at all. He explained that this was an old trunk which was full of souvenirs and notes that he had acquired but that there would be nothing at all written by him. …Had no idea what happened to the letters he had sent to friends. “Burned,” I guess he said and laughed. . .Well he said, ‘maybe next time you come up.’
I waited a decorous few months before I requested another visit with him. ‘Come up when you can,’ he said on the telephone, ‘we are always glad to see you.’
‘And the trunk,’ I asked, may we look at it this time?’ His reply, ‘we’ll see,’ did not seem too encouraging. However, when I arrived at his lovely old farm house it was during a cloudburst and he said upon greeting me, “It’s too nasty to enjoy the porch today. Come on down to the cellar. A rainy
day is a good time to look at old trunks.”
…We poked around a bit and finally located the object of our search……After considerable banging and nudging the lid finally sprang open. Great heaps of miscellaneous material including letters, photos, college news and clips popped out like the contents of a jack-in-the-box. I don’t believe they had seen daylight since Mr. Baggs returned from Siberia in 1919. It took hours of sorting to separate the letters. Finally this was accomplished and I was offered all of the Siberian material.
…Meanwhile this preliminary one find must suffice as no other exists, to the best of my knowledge. Bear in mind, however, that this is based solely on letters to one man. As other covers are located the gaps may one day be closed. Such is the joy of research (The American Philatelic Congress
Book, 1963, pp. 130-132).
Faulstich’s core knowledge base distinguished her as an excellent communicator from being a less than excellent communicator by knowing how to manage strategically and knowing how to use two-way communication practices. She applied and demonstrated a clear understanding of two-way communication by encouraging feed-back through the building and maintaining relationships with various publics.
The closing remarks in one of her articles demonstrates her communication to philatelic organizations and in the local communities in seeking for more information, all the while encouraging two-way communication and feedback.
My intellectual curiosity has been stimulated in an endeavor to sort and classify this mail and decide what I think it may mean to the postal historian. However, it must be stated again that this entire preliminary article is based on mail addressed to one man. Mistakes may have been made but the only way they can be corrected is by hearing from others who may have further ideas, knowledge or information. I would be pleased to enter into correspondence with anyone who has any data about the intervention, in any of its phases. My address is 37 Inwood St., Yonkers, N. Y. (The American Philatelic Congress Book, 1963, pp. 143-144).
She went ever deeper, never satisfied with just a few letters. She had to know the whole story about Siberia and she knew she was racing against time. The surviving soldiers were dying. The following example demonstrates her extensive research to find detailed and specific facts. Her persuasive people skills resulted in War Department records being declassified, (before the now Open Records Legislation was passed).
The following three excerpts are presented to demonstrate some of the results from the declassified material she obtained. The material shows salient details about the Siberian campaign; According to President Wilson’s instructions to General Graves, who was placed in command of the
troops in Siberia, we were to help these Czech troops reach Vladivostok safely; were to maintain the rail-ways in order to keep our stores of stocks in Russia on the move, and were to assist the Russians.
All this was about three months before the signing of the Armistice of World War I on Nov. 11, 1918. Christmas 1918 came and went, and they received no orders to go home. Many of them froze during that 1919 winter and before too long the first anniversary of the Armistice was being celebrated everywhere except in the barracks of the A.E.F. in Siberia. It was not until 1920 that the last doughboys in Siberia found themselves on their way home to loved ones (Siberian Sojourn, vol. 1, pp. 129-130).
The example shows part of General Graves final report submitted to the War Department. This report demonstrates how successful Faulstich was in obtaining classified material for her book. Additionally, the report shows useful details about why the troops were in Siberia and that indeed
they were forgotten and could not get home after the war ended.
It was an almost impossible task to convince the Japanese or Chinese or Italian officers that on account of our sanitary regulations we can only put 150 men into a building…(one) into which they would put 300-500. They would not admit that our soldiers were deserving of any more consideration than their own (Faulstich, vol. 2 p. 126).
This example shows details which confirm some of atrocities the soldiers were faced while in Siberia. General Graves’ report was made on September 25, 1919 to the Adjutant General of the Army. These events were never published openly and Faulstich wanted to use the power of journalism, to tell the world what happened in Siberia. The last example continues to show some of the things the Americans encountered while in Siberia.
. . . Personal and official relations with Japanese headquarters have left nothing to be desired except that the Japanese have simply been following a different policy. They have resorted to bribery and trickery in every way. The Japanese Chief of Staff has stated that they have already spent one hundred million yen in Siberia on their army. They spend money in a way and follow methods that Americans cannot and must not follow. However, condemn these methods as much as we do, the fact remains that conditions are such here and the Russian people are such, that I doubt very much whether it is possible for us in the face of such obstacles to realize the American ideals of honesty, liberty and justice in Siberia for years and years to come (Faulstich, vol. 2, p127).
Always the persuasive but gracious communicator, Faulstich was ever mindful of the people who helped her with her research and work. For her, it was always we instead of me. Her acknowledgments from “A Find!” demonstrate her people skills It would not have been possible to compile this information without the devoted assistance of many who understood a bit here, and a bit there, about the situation in Siberia during the intervention.
Although the study is one of original research, I feel I must express my thanks to those who helped answer my questions and who volunteered information. Ralph Baggs deserves my very special thanks for putting at my disposal his collection of letters and covers which had been preserved for 25 years. Others who helped include the late Kenneth Roberts and the late General Robert Eichelberger who served in the campaign; C. D. Brenner; the Rev. Flyod Leach; Mrs. Ralph Fletcher and the following soldiers and nurses who also served in Siberia: P.J. O’Dea, Harold Metzeger, Laurie Kent, J. H. Whitehead, Eugene Streed, Henry Fry and Lillian Stark. Others, far too many to mention, have also contributed in some small way. My thanks go to all (24th American Philatelic Congress Book, 1963, p.144).
Faulstich did not pursue fame or fortune. She just wanted to communicate the saga of the mails and the very significant role philately played in communication, and the preservation and loss of lives. Her networking skills were one of the significant benchmarks to her success. She truly loved being in and around people.
“Truly it is not possible to describe all her accomplishments in the fields of Philately and Postal History. Her correspondence was so vast that it took her many days to answer letters from all over the world, especially in connection with her study of the American Expeditionary Forces in Siberia, a book she had hoped to publish (Deutch, 2).”
As the journalist Herman Herst, Jr. wrote in 1977, Edith M. Faulstich put to paper all that she learned. No one, not even Uncle Sam, knew as much about the Siberian American Expeditionary Force as Faulstich did. Her articles appeared in newspapers and in the philatelic press; her growing collection was shown at philatelic exhibitions in all parts of the country and internationally. Mrs. Philately, as some wondered, if she should not be called Mrs. Siberia (Herst, 1977).
Herst said, that as she delved ever deeper into one of the most terrible stories to come out of W.W.I, she predicted a possible outcome. Even if no one but stamp collectors showed any interest in the Siberian Campaign, perhaps in time, others would like to see an authoritative history about that Expedition.
Herst explained that Faulstich had collected extensively along a dozen lines and still had time to become one of philately’s most renowned writers, lecturers and exhibitors. She began the daunting task of writing the first complete authoritative story about the Siberian disaster. Faulstich managed a comprehensive correspondence with the remaining soldiers themselves, mindful of the fact that there was an air of urgency to produce the book, since the number of soldiers was growing ever smaller.
The book was half-written when tragedy halted her work. Edith M. Faulstich died of cancer, leaving a stockpile of notes and files for the unfinished portion of the book. The promise which she had made to these men fell on other shoulders, those of her aging husband, Fred Faulstich and her two sons Donald H. Fisher and Stephen Fisher. It became not just one of those races against time, but a race against death, for most of the men involved in the Siberian campaign were in their 80s and 90s. Unfortunately, many who looked forward to reading her promised book never lived to realize their hope. The first of the two-volume history about the Siberian Campaign was typed out on a typewriter and finished but never copyrighted or sold.
The Fisher brothers completed the first volume, eventually published it and distributed it to a small list of surviving soldiers and their families. The aging and now deceased, Fred Faulstich completed the second volume, spending hundreds of hours on notes written by Edith M. Faulstich’s exhaustive research.
Herst concluded, that even if Uncle Sam does not always remember her exemplary sons and daughters who volunteer their very lives in the line of duty, this public communicator Edith M. Faulstich desired to preserve their story, their commitment and their loyalty with her commitment to
postal history through philately.
From Siberia to President
Faulstich demonstrated knowledge and ability to function in a communication managers role. She had a clear understanding or sense of purpose about her work. She wanted to tell people about philately, postal history and what happened in Siberia.
As an international philatelic communication manager, Faulstich was involved with the creation, organization and communication of the Postal History Society. Linn’s Stamp News published an article on Monday, October 27, 1980, demonstrating Faulstich’s involvement in the society’s origins.
Originally, Edith M. Faulstich began urging the collectors around her in 1949 and at SOJEX that it seemed high time to start a postal history society in the United States, similar to that in the United Kingdom. No one had the desire to attempt such an undertaking, and Ms. Fisher subsequently moved to Oregon to become editor of Covers, so she could not follow up on her own suggestion.
The Postal History Society was first organized at the Capex International Stamp Exhibition in November 1951. It was recognized in October of 1956. Faulstich created, wrote and edited the first Postal History Journal. In May 1957 she wrote an editors’ message:
It has been a pleasure to mold an idea for our Society into and accomplished fact. However, it is only by trial and error that we may ultimately produce the type of journal which will gain and international reputation as a source of lasting postal history reference. My fond hope is that this Utopian goal will be reached before to long.
In producing this first journal we were faced with no style pattern to follow, no backlog of material; in fact we did not even have a printer! But we met the various problems as they came along and hope that we may have met with some small success. Now we can travel forward. May the road be wide, not too bumpy, and may there be many by-paths into the postal history of all nations. My personal good wishes go to the permanent editor who will be appointed at the June convention to carry the editorial banner for our society.
Faulstich created, delegated, edited, wrote, managed and communicated for the Postal History Society for 15 years. She promoted the collecting of covers from different postal jurisdictions and stamp issuing authorities. Faulstich was very good at finding common elements that drew people together. She found there were many different periods, themes and phases about postal history.
Faulstich found “the tie which really drew members together in a common interest was in the different phases of postal history”(PHJ, 1981, p. 4. In February 1981, the Postal History Journal recounts her appointment as the first woman president of the Postal History Society.
During a visit of Mr. And Mrs. Fred Faulstich in 1964, I approached Dee Faulstich whether she would be interested in being nominated to the office of president for 1965. She doubted that my nomination would be of any value since she did not believe that the board would be interested in having a woman in that post. Of course, I objected strongly and finally with the help of Fred’s persuasion, she accepted the suggestion (PHJ, 1981, p 8).
By 1965 the Postal History Society had grown to more than 300 members. She served in the position of president for three years until her death in September 1972. It is interesting to note that there has only been one other woman president of the society since Faulstich. Because of her profound knowledge about postal history, her people skills, her networking skills, her ability to align herself with political powers and her ability to build and maintain relationships, she became an excellent communication manager.
Faulstich knew how to write, edit, and produce organization journals, handle communication production, run philatelic conferences, maintain media relations and organize speakers bureaus. It is clear that traditional communication skills such as writing and editing, are not the only skills needed for communication excellence. Faulstich demonstrated that traditional communication skills are not enough.
Faulstich knew how to design and select appropriate messages and media to strategically communicate a message outward to the publics which affected the organization’s survival. Faulstich managed an organization of 300 people, as an advocate of two-way communication she wrote for those interested in philatelic subjects.
She attended many philatelic functions, developed and maintained extensive relationships with many publics and influenced many people all over the world by communicating about postal history.
Indeed, as an advocate she influenced many people. One such person was Diane D. Boehert. When Boehert was a young woman she also wanted a chance to be published. Boehert said, “She took her personal time and mentored me with her knowledge and gave me my beginnings as a philatelic researcher and writer. I got my start in philately from Edith with her superior communication and management skills” (authors interview no. 2, September 26, 1996). Boehert was elected to the Postal History Society as the second woman president in 1989. Boehert continues to serve as president (author’s interview no. 2, 1996).
There are several existing examples which effectively demonstrate the depth and bread of her communication management skills. Faulstich managed and increased awareness about postal history.
Word of her dynamic influence, diplomacy and vast experience in the philatelic arena spread to international philatelic groups. Many people desired to have her speak and judge at international philatelic exhibitions and other related functions.
On one such occasion, Faulstich received a very glowing and edifying letter from a man stating that his club would be very honored to have such an internationally famous person speak at their stamp club meeting in southern New Jersey. The letter was signed by the president, Mr. Smerber. Faulstich recognized the name Smerber as it was not a very common name. She also remembered that he was the same Mr. Smerber from her tenth grade math class. At that time he did not link Edith M. Faulstich as being the same person as Edith M Vanderpoel. She was the same person from his 1925 tenth grade math class (author’s interview no. 2, 1996).
She wrote a very nice letter back to Mr. Smerber and graciously accepted his invitation. When Faulstich arrived at the meeting, Mr. Smerber did not recognize her when she arrived at the formal luncheon. Faulstich began her opening remarks about the importance of knowledge and commitment in the successfully promoting philatelic work. She then began to weave a captivating tale, recounting a forty year-old story about a tenth grade student and how much a teacher can impact and contribute to helping shape the future lives of students. She then coyly but ever so diplomatically turned a smile to Mr. Smerber. She said, “. . . and that student who was Edith M. Vanderpoel became Edith M. Faulstich. I stand before all of you today to say that my personal education has been and still is the key to promoting the importance of our philatelic work and research.”
She then very skillfully intertwined her enthralling story so that it resonated well with the members present by providing relevant motivational material and many gracious thanks for inviting her to speak. Faulstich never mentioned Mr. Smerber’s name in front of the audience. Faulstich and Smerber maintained contact for many years after the speech (author’s interview no. 2, 1996).
The multiplicity and interaction of various communication skills best demonstrates Faulstich and how she successfully performed journalism and public communication for philately. She clearly exhibited that there is no substitute for knowledge and research. It is clear that knowledge alone cannot establish excellent journalism or excellent public communication.
Besides her journalism and public speaking skills, excerpts from the Postal History Journal, The American Philatelic Congress Book, past articles, letters and an auction announcement undeniably demonstrate the magnitude of Faulstich’s work. She managed multiple audiences, multiple research projects, multiple print media, national and international stamp conferences, as well as a vast
international correspondence. Many of the people she worked with were icons in their own professional arenas and Faulstich associated and befriended everyone she met.
An excerpt from The 16th American Philatelic Congress Book demonstrates, Faulstich’s career in 1950 and the enormous breadth of the work she managed:
Mrs. Fisher is the stamp editor of the Newark Sunday News, (Newark, N.J.) and of the Bergen Evening Record (Hackensack, N.J.) In the latter paper her column appears three times each week. She also writes the regular American Letter for the Philatelic Magazine of London, England and regular features for the Philippine Journal of Philately, Manila. Free lance articles by-lined by her have appeared in many domestic and foreign periodicals. She has just started a regular series on cover collecting for Western Stamp Collector.
Mrs. Fisher is a Director of the Association for Stamp Exhibitions and was a member of the executive committee for Cipes 1947. She is serving as an officer and on committees for many philatelic groups including the Helvetica Society, the Collector Club of N.Y., the National Philatelic Museum, the APS, the SPA and the National Federation of Stamp Clubs. As Toast master at the Philatelic Writers Breakfast in Atlantic City in 1950 she suggested the idea of a Postal History Society in the United States. Together with Bernard Davis, she was nominated as co-chairman to investigate the feasibility of such a group. In 1949, she was awarded the Essex Stamp Club’s first Gold Medal for distinguished Service to Philately (p. 43).
Faulstich wrote for the people in the philatelic circle. She appealed to them through her journalism and related writing. Another good example reflecting Faulstich’s communication management skills can be noted in an excerpted message from the Postal History Digest in 1965, to its 300 members.
…However, we all know any society is only as great as those who are a part of it in more than name only. I therefore ask for voluntary recruits to expand the services we offer.
We now have over 300 members. Most of them reside in the United States but a goodly number reside in Canada and we also have members in England, Switzerland, Guatemala, France Belgium, Germany, The Philippines, Puerto Rico, The Netherlands, Sweden, Cuba and Yugoslavia.
If each member in each foreign country will show our wonderful Postal History Journal to other postal historians in their countries I am sure we will have more foreign members and such growth will be beneficial to all. I hope too that many of our foreign friends will be able to visit with us next year during USIPEX.
If each member in the country and in Canada will seek out other local postal historians and urge them, if they are serious in their interest, to join us we will be able to expand our membership considerably. With an expanded membership we will have additional income. With the additional income we will in turn be able to do more for our members. It is as simple as that.
Therefore, I ask each member to consider himself, or herself, a working member of our membership committee.
We think that a great deal of interest is engendered by our local metropolitan area monthly meetings and hope that members will form branches in other cities to carry on the already phenomenal growth on interest in postal history.Another way that each and every member can serve the society is to urge dealers to advertise in our high caliber Journal if they have postal history material. The income from our ads helps to make possible the continuation of the fine publication.
Last, but certainly not least, each of you can help by writing articles for consideration for the Journal and for the Digest.
We seek original, informative articles of lasting philatelic reference for the Journal and short articles, finds, and notes of interest for the Digest. In what capacity can you serve your society? Whatever it is it will be appreciated and will help me to be a better president.
Dee’s Commitment to a Cause
Faulstich was committed to the cause of promoting and increasing awareness about philately, postal history and the Siberian Campaign with a great deal of physical and intellectual effort and her own personal time.
Faulstich did not use just one best way, tool or process to become a successful journalist or public advocate for philately. But more important in demonstrating Faulstich, is that not one single component or skill made her successful as a journalist and public communicator. Faulstich did not confine her crusade solely to journalism. She used modern business practices, public speaking, fund raising, international travel and she wrote extensively to promote postal history. All of the factors presented interacted with each other and contributed to her success.
Faulstich raced to tell people about postal history and the story concerning WWI’s Siberian atrocities. Likewise, Faulstich was relentless in her appeal to obtain contact with the surviving and aging soldiers from the Siberian Expedition. Faulstich knew the power of newspapers and used the medium to advance her work. Faulstich was prolific in using journalism’s unique position to further the awareness about postal history. She used the power of print journalism and public communication to generate increased awareness about the need and value for philately and postal history through her book about the human atrocities suffered in Siberia.
Faulstich’s success in generating increased awareness is attributed to her personal contact with diverse publics. She refused mental inertia, indifferent acquiescence, tamed submission, and silence in the face of injustice. Faulstich chose a life of ceaseless unrest and a process of constantly aspiring. She stood up to be heard, she gained respect in the community for the work she had performed.
Faulstich showed tenacity and commitment to worthwhile causes. Americans needed to know about Siberia and what happened to the soldiers. Faulstich was not the typical journalist, and she wrote comprehensively about philately. Through research and postal history Faulstich wrote about the plight of the Siberian Soldiers. Faulstich was ceaseless in her cause for Siberian Soldiers. She was the first woman journalist to report about the Siberian Expedition of WWI.
Her commitment propelled her to write and communicate passionately about the history of stamps beyond traditional communication crafts.
Faulstich’s success was not based on formal communication training, advanced academic degrees, statistical controls or tight quality processes. Faulstich applied more humanistic theories to her journalism, public communication, and communication management.
Finally, Faulstich demonstrated a multiplicity and fluidity of communication skills with only a high school education and accomplished multiple professional public relation practices that preceded today’s formal training and public communication theories. But it was the time she committed to her work and the people she interacted with that made her an excellent philatelic journalist and communicator.
In the end, though it was not her goal, Faulstich received appreciation and adulation for her philatelic work from all over the world, as noted from the following excerpt:
Mrs. Edith M. Faulstich, whose collection makes up the vast majority of lots in this auction was one of the world’s foremost collectors of material devoted to the Postal History of the World. Her own title for the collection, ”Saga of the Mails,” is the best description that can be given, in a single phrase.
The collection has won numerable awards, including several Grand Awards and “Court of Honor” status in both National and International Exhibitions. Much of her original research has been published in the form of monographs on specialized subjects, such as the “Extra Courier” postmarks of Switzerland, the ”Cito” marks of Europe and, at the time of her death she was engaged in writing an extensive, authoritative work on the Allied Operations in North Russia and Siberia of World War I.
To attempt to describe the contents of the collection would be an exercise in futility. The magnitude is overwhelming.
The time period covered dates back to the writings on clay tablets in ancient Babylon or Asseria and progresses through the centuries up to present times.
She made so many friends through Philately-with her warmth and generosity…(Siegel, 1).
III: Conclusion
Edith M. Faulstich’s success in journalism and public communication can be illustrated in many ways. Edith M. Faulstich successfully moved beyond the social stigma of divorce, beyond poverty, and sexism.
In her early years, Faulstich went from poverty to journalism. Newspapers did hire Edith M. Faulstich during the 1940s, 1950s and into the 1960s. She wrote for The Record and The Newark Sunday News.
Her research led to her having military organizations agreeing to declassify top secret military records so that she could publish an authoritative work about the Siberian Campaign during WWI. By completely devoting most of her available time to philately. Faulstich learned that not many people knew about the atrocities the American soldiers had endured in Siberia. Faulstich found a need to verbally communicate about her factual findings relative to the Siberian Campaign and postal history.
In the end, Faulstich raced to communicate against the ravages of time for philately, for the lives of the forgotten soldiers who were left in Siberia and finally she raced against time for her own life.
Faulstich also created, delegated, edited, wrote, managed and communicated for the Postal History Society for 15 years. She was instrumental in growing the society. By 1965 the Postal History Society had grown to more than 300 members by promoting the collecting of covers from different postal jurisdictions and stamp issuing authorities.
“Dee,” as her friends knew her, used a multiplicity of communication factors such as journalism, extensive research, profound knowledge, communication management skills and a relentless commitment to a cause, to become a successful international public communicator for philately. But above all, she passionately gave of her personal time to tell people about the value of postal history.
Racing against time, Faulstich became the first philatelic woman journalist, first woman author about WW1’s Siberian Expedition in Russia, first woman president and communication manager of any philatelic organization. The Postal history Society grew to exceed 300 members before she died.
Because of her journalism skills, profound knowledge about postal history, her people skills and her ability to build and maintain relationships, she became an excellent communication manager.
Her weaknesses were the uncontrollable events of life, such as physical human frailties (she died of cancer), and the injustices imposed by other people.
Faulstich had many personal strengths. For example, it is incredible that a person with only a high school education could accomplish so much through journalism and public communication. With “moxie” she met life’s challenges and with “moxie” she used multiple professional public relation practices. Faulstich preceded formal communication training and many public communication theories. The rich knowledge base of information she obtained through her research should be published and warrants further study.
If public communication and journalism historians have previously overlooked a woman as internationally well known as Edith M. Faulstich, it is quite possible that they have failed to investigate the lives of other important and successful women who used a multiplicity of communication management skills in similar avocations. There may well be other women who, once their lives have been researched, may be added to the list of proactive women who were able to confront obstacles and difficulties with spirit, courage and guts. Women like Faulstich fully understood Antoine de Saint-Exupery’s prophetic words about the valuable time she had spent for her rose. It is the personal time she invested in philately as a journalist and public communicator that has made her rose so very important (Saint-Exupery, p 87).
References
American Heritage Desk Dictionary. Houghton and Mifflin. 1981. p. 631.
American Philatelic Congress Book, 16th. (1950). “Edith M. Fisher,” NY, p. 43.
American Philatelic Congress Book, 29th. (1963). “A Find! – Mail to the American Expeditionary Forces in Siberia; 1918-1920,” NY, pp. 129- 144.
Boehret, Diane D. (12 Oct. 1995) President, Postal History, Inc. Author’s Interview no. 2. Virginia Beach. Va.
Deutch, W.D. (Jan 1973). “Edith M. Faulstich, President-1965-1967,” Postal History Journal. Vol. 17, no. 33, p. 2.
Faulstich, Edith M. (Winter 1963). “A Capsual of Early Postal Development,” Postal History Digest. Vol 1, no, 1, pp. 5-7.
Faulstich, Edith M. (Spring 1967). “A Sincere Thank you from the President,” Postal History Digest. Vol 5, no.1, pp. 5-7.
Fisher, Donald H. and Frankie A. (14 Sept. 1995). Author’s Interview no. 1. Hunstville, Ala.
Library of Congress. Call Number: newspaper 7002, microfilm no. 1290. Newpaper Archives, Room 303. Jefferson Building, 10 First Street S.E. Washington, D.C. 20540.
Lockhart, Kori, San Francisco Opera, Available E-mail: Klockhart@sfopera.com. Monday, 31 Mar 1997
Map of Kinderhoock, New York. (1686) Original Source Unknown
Mills, Kay. (1988). A Place in the News: From the Women’s Pages to the Front Pages. N.Y. Dodd, Mead and Co. 1988. p. 65.
Mueller, Barbara R. (26 Sept. 1995). Author’s Interview no. 3. Jefferson, Wi.
Postal History Journal. Faulstich, Edith M. (May 1957). Vol. 1, no. 1, p. 1.
The Record. Library, 125 River Street, Hackensack, New Jersey 07601-7172.
The Record, Paul Wilder, Librarian. Internet, recordlibrary@postoffice. worldnet.att.net. March 18, 1997.
Siegeil, Robert A. “In Memoriam,” Robert A. Siegel Auction Galleries. N.Y., 19 Nov. 1973. p. 2.
Life History of Edith Margaret VanderPoel / Fisher / Faulstich
Faulstich was a pioneer student and collector of postal history. She campaigned extensively to have postal history recognized as a category at major exhibitions. She was a founder of the Postal History Society of the Americas (now the Postal History Society, Inc.). Faulstich helped the PHS through its early years as the first editor of its Postal History Journal, and as president from 1965 to 1967.
In her philatelic career, “Dee” edited Covers magazine, The Essay-Proof Journal and was associate editor of Western Stamp Collector. She wrote a stamp column in the Bergen (NJ) Evening Record and later in the Newark (NJ) News.
Faulstich built world-class collections of the postal history of the American Expeditionary Forces and the Canadian Expeditionary Forces in Siberia during World War I.
Why I Chose A Swiss Grandfather
Any reprint or use of this work must properly cite Edith M. Fisher/Faulstich name as the orginal author.
The article includes a photograph of a very young Edith (“Dee”) Fisher with a caption: “Internationally know philatelic writer and an ardant collector of stamps and covers of Switzerland”
A hand scribbled note on the top of a photocopy of the news article: “Thought maybe you’d like this re “ancestors” too pen (in the) baby book. -Mom
——————————————————————–
Why I Picked A Swiss Grandfather
Being on good behavior has its compensation in heaven the same on earth. I remember a time way back-about the middle of the last century-up in the never, never land. I’d been on pretty good behavior for quiet awhile when one fine day my Guardina Angel said to me, “I want you to study the countries of the Earth. Because you have been good, I’ll let you pick out the one where you think you’d like to live. In about three score years from now I’m going to send you down to Earth for one lifetime.
“Countries change so, how will I know what they will be like in the next century? I queried. “That’s a good question,” said my Guardian Angel, “no country is any better than the people in it, than their ideals, and ideas. Rather pick a man who will one day be your grandfather. Pick him for the country that is his background now and be satisfied to let the future bring what it may.”
Picking out a Grandfather from a country whose ideals were impressionable was a tall order. I thought I would never finish studying the countries of the Earth until one day I came upon Switzerland. To me it was the most beautiful of all countries that I
had viewed. But we had been taught that is beauty is sometimes only skin deep. Perhaps, I thought the beautiful sky-pointed Alps, the profusion of wild flowers below the snow capped mountains, the lakes, the quaint Swiss houses, the cleanliness and preciseness of the towns was only a thing of beauty. Perhaps, the people were not as fine as the beautiful countryside; but I determined to find out.
First, I studied the background of Switzerland and found to my delight that it was the oldest democracy in the world-that in ancient days it was called “Helvetica.” Like most European countries, Helvetica went through its primitive period, with its domination by Imperial Rome. But, one day chosen delegates from the three countries of Uri, Schwyz and Unterwalden, formed a political and military alliance to maintain independence against the Duke of Austria. This was on August 1, 1291. Through the centuries that followed, August 1st remained a Swiss National Holiday, because the document formed then contains ever principle of its later constitution-even the one that governs Switzerland today. The document is called the Deed of the Confederation and is what dates Switzerland as the world’s oldest Democracy. Before another century had rolled around, five more Cantons were added by various treaties and Switzerland was hailed as a European power.
I studied this background reverently, and thought, “those people must have what it takes.” In a small territory, hemmed in by antagonistic larger countries, that had the determination and the fortitude to establish their independence.
Studying Switzerland’s background further, I found that she had suffered several centuries of hardships. The Reformation took its toll and subsequent internal political dissention weakened the little democracy, and I found myself worrying for her—forgetting that I was studying history that had already been written. Then I came upon the last part of the 18th century, when the roar of the French Revolution rolled across the Alps and for the first and only time overturned the Confederation. The period of 1798-1804 was known as the Helvetica Period, I learned.
But, I saw that the Swiss were not to accept the new arrangement—although it took them until 1815 to restore the confederation. By that time the twenty-two Cantons of which still make up the country had formed the Confederation and the system of the Cantonal sovereignty set up then-still exists today in a circle of Federal Union.
So much for background history, Switzerland inspired me, next I wondered about her achievements artistically. It didn’t take much study to find that their famous Abbey of St. Gall, laid down 1200 years ago, was a hearth stone of the Arts in the middle of a barbarous Europe; that Calvin had founded the Geneva Academy of Arts in 1558 and that sculptors, painters, and musicians abounded in the little Democracy.
I saw the industries of the busy people of Switzerland, the herdsmen, the watch makers, the cheese and chocolate makers, and heard the happy peasants yodeling on the mountain sides, saw the St. Bernard dogs, beautiful, gentle, efficient. I read about the William Tell and his apple and was impressed. I got a fleeting glimpse into the future and say that this little country would be the seat of the Universal Postal Union, which would govern the mail service of the World.
By this time, it was quite apparent to me that Switzerland was as great a county as it was beautiful. I was convinced of its beauty, of its history, even of its aesthetic side. But, no truly great country can be great unless its people have compassion. Were there any great men or women in this beautiful spot that sacrificed their lives and their finances to help their fellow man? I didn’t have to go very far to find such names as Johann Pestlozzi, whose love of children and personal sacrifice for them, became a symbol of quidance to other countries throughout the world and of Jean Henri Dunsant, young man of a wealthy Zurich family, who devoted his life to helping the afflicted, who reduced himself to a state of poverty to help those in need, who founded the International Red Cross Society, which today has spanned to the four corners of the Globe, with its humanitarian program.
I felt numb with happiness. I felt sure that I had found the country that I wanted my Grandfather to come from. I sat down on my crossed legs and hummed softly, I looked down again into Switzerland, and as I did I suddenly saw a young boy walking the street of Shauffhausen. I heard my Guardian Angel say softly, “Have you made up your mind?’ Yes, I said, “I want a Swiss Grandfather.” She pointed to the young man in Shauffhausen and said, “Some day along about sixty years from now he will be your grandfather.”
I looked again, and hear the young boy, Conrad Bollinger was his name, saying Good-bye to his friends for he was leaving for America. I jumped up quickly. “But, he’s going to America,” I said to the Angel.
“That’s right” she answered, “there’s a new county over there—it needs the best that the rest of the world can give, so that it can grow. Your Grandfather will have the ideas and ideals of the oldest democracy in the world as he establishes his home and family in a new democracy, which is trying to get over it’s growing pains.”
I must have fallen off to sleep then and it was some thirty years later when I awakened. I looked down again and this time I saw America. It took no time to find the young Conrad, but was much older now. He had fought in the American Civil War, and was working for the Government of the United States.
My Guardian Angel appeared again, “Now,” she said, you can even see your mother.”
I looked carefully until I saw four children in their teens, three girls and a boy. They are your Grandfather’s children,” said my Guardian Angel, “the second from the youngest—Margaret is her name—will someday be your Mother.”
I rocked and hummed again, I felt good. I wondered if I would look a little like Margaret when I became an earthly child. I thought, who could have picked out a better country then America in all this world, with a better background than one stemming from Switzerland. In fact, I felt pretty lucky. I had already seen both my Grandfather and my mother.
Again, I must have fallen asleep and the next thing I knew I woke up in Flatbush, Brooklyn, New York in the United States of America and someone said, “It’s a girl”
Note #1: September 15, 2007.
I am Alice Margaret Fisher (named after Dee’s Mother Margaret). I am the grand daughter of Edith M. Fisher/Faulstich, and the great-great grand daugther of Conrad Bollinger of Beringen, Switzerland. I retyped this article, written by Edith Fisher more than 60 years earlier, and furthered the family lineage into our Swiss ancestry as result of her early work. Our Swiss Grandfather’s family now dates back to Hans George Bollinger, Born about 1588. I am proud of this rich history and our deep roots. As a result, when on a study abroad to Europe in 1994 I took my two young daughters with me and we traveled to Beringen, and Shauffhausen Switzerland.
We landed in Beringen on July 31, 1994 for my daughter Johanne’s 12th Birthday. We being the first to return as a direct line descendant of Conrad Bollinger. The town’s
people were exactly as my grandmother wrote, and they opened up the little museum and bought my girls an ice cream on Sunday pouring their history and lives out to us in earnest while we spoke a triangle of me with my broken French to the women in the village who then inturn spoke Swiss-German, to the Museum curator.
Note #2 May 14, 2009
I have started contributing to a Beringen, Switzerland History Project
on Wikipedia.com
With much pride and love to my Nana, your work will not be forgotten!
Alice Margaret Fisher
The Siberian Sojourn Volume II-Chapter 21
The Siberian Sojourn Volume II-Chapter 21
General Graves arrived on the THOMAS. It was a beautiful sunny day. The officers already in Vladivostok had arisen at four in the morning to greet the General aboard the transport. Graves was more than pleased with the warm welcome but had to part company at 11 am for a scheduled breakfast aboard the BROOKLYN.
The General stated: “It was an almost impossible task to convince the Japanese or Chinese or Italian forces that on account of our sanitary regulations we can only put 150 men into a building. . .(one) into which they would put 300-500. They would not admit that our soldiers were deserving of any more consideration than their own.”[v]
Such questions had to be handled with tact and diplomacy.
The doughboys were not as busy as was General Graves and his staff upon arrival, but they were eager to get off the transport and into town for a firsthand look at the city itself.
First, however, they were required to eat breakfast on board. Then they received permission to debark.
Food on the transports was cooked in copper kettles by steam. Under ordinary circumstances the kettles were emptied after each meal, and scalding steam was used to cleanse them thoroughly. In this way, they were completely sterilized before the next meal. This method of cooking aboard army transports has long since been abandoned, but in September, 1918, that was the method used.
When the men received their dinner Labor Day night in 1918, they knew they would be eating their breakfast on the transport as well. The cooks also knew this. Henry Fry reports, “Those damn cooks must have had it figured out in advance that if they cooked more slum for dinner than the men could eat there would be some left over for breakfast. So they did just that, and then, not being military, they were permitted to go to town. Thus, when the slum cooled, and remember it had been sitting in those copper kettles all night, it was just reheated and served again. The effect was ptomaine poisoning.”[viii]
The result of that morning meal was catastrophic. After seventeen days on the water nearly every man was sick upon arrival. It has been reported that anywhere from 250 to 1,700 men were stricken a few hours after the meal was served. A survey showed that the men were indeed in the throes of ptomaine.
Stephen Chadwick records that they had no medical men assigned to them. That in itself was disastrous. Chadwick communicated with headquarters immediately, explaining the gravity of the situation, and requested that id be sent on the double.
An officer present at headquarters confided to Chadwick later that the Expedition Surgeon passed the petition for aid off with the remark that some of the men had doubtless had too much vodka. No assistance arrived.
At five o’clock most of the doughboys were too sick to leave their beds. Chadwick called again. An hour later a hospital corpsman with a bag of medicine appeared. He was unable to cope with the situation which existed. So Chadwick and a few others organized the well men into a sort of hospital corps and assisted, as far as they could, those unable to take care of themselves.
“At seven o’clock,” he recalls, “to my great relief, two young doctors drifted in. Seeing the situation and fully appreciating it, they immediately raided the so called Base Hospital and returned with two bottles of CC pills and one bottle of castor oil. The latter was said to be the only bottle with the expedition! The pills were given to those able to walk, the oil was soon exhausted on those unable to leave their beds,” Chadwick reports, and adds, “To those two doctors, Lieutenants Ehlers and Baronodisk, the men of the transport owe a real debt, for with me they waited and worked throughout the night. I hope the Expedition Surgeon slept soundly.”
Other men recalled that some of the sick were put in a field hospital which was set up in Russian quarters. “The doctors and pill rollers gave each of us either salts or castor oil to try to ease the onslaught of the pain,” said one man.
Henry Fry said his sleeping accommodations were subsequently not too bad as the Russian army bakeries were pretty well set up and sleeping quarters were provided for, according to the number of bakers they had. The higher ranking non-commissioned officers had small sleeping rooms. The officers’ quarters were habitable after they were cleaned. The soldiers were thankful that they had arrived in moderately cold weather rather than in the freezing weather of winter. “If we had arrived in Siberia two months later than we did, I doubt if we ever could have made it. When I think back of what we did have to go through I know we couldn’t have made it if it had been better cold.”[x]
Some of the troops had taken over one of the Baldwin Locomotive sheds upon arrival. They remained for a day, having mess on the transport. Then they were informed that messing from the transport had to end. These men were equipped as casuals, without kitchen equipment, so feeding became quite a problem. Beef was issued in half and other rations in similar proportions. The men took the only way out. They raided the Quartermaster Warehouse for sufficient supplies to feed themselves. Altogether, there were 1,250 men, formerly of the Eighth, quartered in the Baldwin sheds. They were located about three miles out from the center of the city, and from expedition headquarters.[xiii]
[ii]Gen. Graves’ official report #2 dated 6/30/19, WDNA
[iii]Graves’ book
[iv]Graves
re[prt dated 6/30/19, WDNA
[v]Graves’ Final Report, WDNA
[vi]Graves’ Final Report, WDNA
[vii]Graves’ Report, September 25, 1919 to Adjutant General of the Army, WDNA
[viii]Henry C. Fry, Quartermaster Corps.
[ix]Henry C. Fry
[x]Henry C. Fry
[xi]Alphia Wilber Goreham, Co. D, 31st Inf.
[xii]Lester William Reed, Co. K, 31st Inf.
[xiii]Stephen F. Chadwick, Lt. Co. D, 27th Inf., 1st Bn. Adjutant, Regimental Personnel Adjutant
The SIberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 20
The SIberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 20
At the concentration point, Sviyagino, Colonel Morrow was busy preparing to move the troops to Ussuri. He was in command of the march which started on August 30, 1918.
Men stood stunned. Many regurgitated with abandon into the bushes, while unable to take their eyes off the sight. Unburied bodies with flesh burning in the hot midday sun were covered with swarms of large black flies. Other bodies, apparently killed more recently, still oozed blood. The sight sickened the very staunchest.
The men noted that the boots of many corpses had been removed. “It must have
The camp was made close to a small creek. However, the parched soldiers were forbidden to drink there until the water had been boiled and cooled. They watched with envy as the mules were permitted to drink from the creek.
“It was there we met a British soldier from a Middlesex regiment who told us of the skirmish. He also spoke of the huge mosquitoes. I know he was not exaggerating as we had the same experience with the monsters. That night we were given a speech about not being taken prisoner. We fixed our bayonets to do some fighting but it didn’t come. The soldier I saw who was killed was a Russian. He had been felled by a skirmish party a short distance ahead and was left there all alone. I don’t even know if they ever buried him.”
Crossing a marsh some three miles wide, wagons again became mired. They were pulled along by means of ropes and manpower.
As the men marched on, their shoes squished mud with weird, gurgling sounds. One soldier after shaking a mass of muddy slime from his feet, laughed sardonically. “When I think how I used to cuss a dry spell down on the farm. . .” Some of his buddies understood.
The ten-minute rest period during each hour was eagerly awaited. The doughboys would sit in a ditch with their packs against the berm of the roadside, wipe their filthy, unshaven faces and swat at the huge swamp mosquitoes. Tired, hungry and disgruntled, they cussed the world in general and Russia in particular.
Once the tents were pitched, chores done and chow over, the men felt better. Since there was no means of relieving tensions, the men lay down and attempted to sleep on the deeply scored ground. The city men suffered most.
That night some of the soldiers began pacing back and forth; they felt like trapped animals with unfilled stomachs and wet bodies.
Sometimes appetites were forgotten. Nick Hochee told of the time they stopped to eat. Again another heap of bodies was discovered. This time the corpses were piled like cordwood upon a new battlefield.
At times in the evenings when fires were built, a few natives would wander in and gather around to hear the doughboys sing American songs. These Russians listened and laughed in their subdued, grave manner.
As the Yanks neared Ussuri, they were happy to be out of the wilderness. They were dirty, tired and hungry as they arrived at Ussuri at 3:30 pm on September 4th after making nearly 14 long miles from Tikamanavo. Before arriving, however, a most unusual event occurred. Dragging themselves along …( ?????? check the books original text. unreadable)
- At Ussuri -
The Americans were exuberant with the spirit of good fellowship which had overwhelmed them when they were met by the welcoming sounds of the 31st Infantry band and the greeting from the British contingent. In spite of the hardships they had endured, everything suddenly seemed right. When the rain ceased at noontime and the stillness of the atmosphere seemed to hush the possibility of further frustrations, the men of the 27th felt relaxed for the first time in many days.
If
(With apologies to Kipling)
Are drooping theirs from marches and fatigue;
If you can drill in dust that clouds and smothers,
And still be fit to hike another league;
If you can stand the greasy food and dishes,
The long black nights, the lonesome road, the blues,
If you can choke back all the gloomy wishes
For home that seem to spring right from your shoes;
If you can laugh at sick call and the pill boys,
When all the other lads are checking in;
If you can kid and jolly all the kill-joys,
Whose faced long ago forgot to grin;
If at parade you stand fast at attention
When every muscle shrieks aloud with pain;
If you can grin and snicker at the mention
Of some bone play connected with your name;
If you succeed to keep your knees from knocking,
At the thoughts of all the bullets you may stop;
If you can do these things and really like ‘em
You’ll be a regular soldier yet, old top.[x]
The shoes of most of the men were in a deplorable state. The thought of a swim was delighted, especially to relieve aching feet. “Of course we were cautioned not to drink the water but it is funny how the river went down after we all went in swimming.”[xi]
A Soldier’s Prayer
Now I lay me down to sleep
I pray the Lord my gun to keep;
Grant no other soldiers take
My socks or shoes before I wake.
Lord please guard me in my slumber
And keep this cot upon its lumber.
Let no peg or guy rope break,
Nor the tent blow down before I wake.
Grant no fire drills sound at night
And in the morning let me wake
Breathing scents of sirloin steak.
God protect me in my dreams
And make it better than it seems.
Grant the time may swiftly fly
When I myself may rest on high.
Deliver me from work and drills
And when I’m sick don’t feed me pills;
And should I hurt this hand of mine,
Don’t dab it o’er with iodine.
In a snowy, downy feather bed
There I long to rest my head,
Far away from all camp scenes,
And from the smell of pork and beans.
Take me back into the land
Where I can walk without a band.
Where no thrilling bugle blows,
And where the women wash the clothes.
~Amen[xiv]
In spite of fervent prayers, all requests were not answered. The men still slept in leaky pup tents. Candles were doled out; some retarded the drips in the tents by holding a lighted candle over wet spots. They found that the heat dried the canvas and helped to stop the drips. But water still seeped under the tents and men often slept in puddles. Raincoats were used as flaps for the tents. However, the men were so tired that they slept through everything. There were times when they awoke to find that the water below them had frozen. They were literally obliged to rip themselves out of their iced blankets.
Via the grapevine the Americans had heard that more troops had landed in Vladivostok and that General Graves was now in Siberia.
[ii]Clifford E. Strohm, Co. A, 27th Inf.
[iii]Clifford E. Strohm
[iv]Clifford E. Strohm; Nick Hochee, 27th Inf.
[v]George P. Billick, Co. A, 27th Inf.
[vi]Packard’s report
[vii]Priest’s Medical Report, WDNA
[viii]Henry C. Fry, Quartermaster Corps. Fry was not on the hike but got many details about it from those who took part.
[ix]Clifford E. Strohm
[x]Submitted by David G. Moore, Evacuation Hospital No. 17
[xi]Lawrence Nygard, Co. M, 27th Inf.
[xii]Priest’s Medical Report, WDNA
[xiii]Don Pequignot, Machine Gun Co., 27th Inf.
[xiv]Supplied by several enlisted men
The Siberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 19
The Siberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 19
The Allies had occupied positions on the line for the purpose of protecting the concentration of the Oi Division between Sviyagino and Spasskoe. The English and French battalions, some Czecho-Slovak troops and Kalmikov’s detachment were under the command of French Lt. Colonel Pichon. The enemy, 5000 strong, gradually had advanced toward these Allied first lines. Kalmikov’s unit, which had been on the right wing on the 20th, was surrounded by the enemy. After a great effort, the Cossacks managed an escape in the direction of the railway. The enemy, encouraged by this drive, came closer to the Allied lines. Again they managed to drive the Allies back.
Railroad employees along the line were interrogated as to the strength of the retreating enemy. On August 26th they reported that there were some 4,000 infantry, two squadrons of cavalry and 19 pieces of artillery. There were also some armored trains and ammunition cars. During his retreat the enemy was said to be destroying the railroad and pillaging widely. He continued retreating until the 27th. On that date the Japanese infantry entered Ussuri Station where it immediately occupied the railway bridge which was not yet destroyed. The railway bridges that were destroyed by the enemy included one north of Kraevski, one north of Shmakovka and the Kaoul bridge. It was estimated that the work of repairing these bridges would require several days.
The Siberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 18
The Siberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 18
While the Americans were fighting with guerillas and bandits and working their way to Sviyagino, the British had been active in the field. The latter were proud to have been the first of the Allied troops to arrive in Vladivostok (on August 3, 1918) and never missed an opportunity to call attention to that fact. Almost at once, the British had been shuttled out of the city to the Ussuri front.
General Graves felt that Knox had considerable influence in shaping the British policy in Russia. “He spoke Russian and was personally known to many of the former Czarist officials; he was naturally autocratic and could not, if he had desired to do so, give sympathetic consideration to the aspirations of the peasant class in Russia whom he characterized as swine.” The White Russians, Graves thought, “convinced General Knox, and I think he was honest in his views, that if the Allies would arm, equip, pay, clothe and feed a Russian force, the Eastern Front could be formed of Russian volunteers. This Eastern Army was to be commanded by Allied and Russian officers, and General Knox though only a few Allied officers would be necessary.”
Gaida was reported to have passed the tunnel to the front on August 2nd and on the morning of the 4th Colonel Kadlets moved his headquarters to the front.
As the war progressed to Kalmikov engaged brutal members of his own clan and ordered wholesale murders of people. One of these henchmen was named Julienk, a member of the Ataman’s “Military Legal Department” which was in charge of carrying out murders. Julienk carried out such notorious deeds as robbing and murdering the Swedish Red Cross agents Hedblom (Swedish) and Opachang (Norwegian). But y rolled into the Amur to the Devil’s Mother.”
A Russian school teacher named A.N. Laremenko became one of the partisans. He reported the incident. Laremenko left an unusually fine account of his experiences and tells of his meeting Julienk in a Vladivostok jail, describing him as a striking example of the really criminal, sadistic type characteristic of those who followed Kalmikov.
Via field telephone communication it was learned that the Czecho-Slovaks were retiring across their front and Kalmikov’s Cossacks were retiring over the river lower down and were taking up a position at Antonovka at the extreme right of the British rear.
“Where in hell are the Japs?” one Tommy asked. The absence of the Japanese resulted in indignation on the part of the British. Lt. Bolsaar, who had remained in the background, now advised: “Don’t trust the Japanese, I know them. They say they will march, but they will not come.”
Although the British soldier had a reputation of being indomitable in unfavorable situations, some of the men in Siberia were disturbed. “The Fairy Godmother must be with us,” one man remarked, “or we would have been deader than doornails by now.”
Colonel Ward had sent an SOS to the Navy. Until two days before, the British had been able to give an occasional shot in return, but the Bolshevik gunners had found their mark on the two guns which were supposed to prevent any advance attack along the railway. As a result the only two field guns of the British had to be called in to fill that gap. This left the infantry without any artillery protection. It was then that Ward decided to call upon the Navy. He wired Commodore Payne, R.N. of H.M.S. SUFFOLK, lying at Vladivostok, of the untenable position in which the 25th Middlesex found itself. The message stated: “Send artillery assistance at once.”
Later Ward was to say of this aid: “It was scarcely possible to describe the feeling of relief with which our exhausted and attenuated forces welcomed this timely aid from our ever ready Navy.”
As the enemy train advanced to a point near the British defensive works, havoc might have ensued. However, the British 12-pounders were too smartly handled to allow any liberties to be taken.
These had not been an easy few days for the British so newly arrived on the Siberian scene; this was also true for the Czecho-Slovaks and the French who had assisted. Yet back in Valdivostok the Japanese official had reported to American Headquarters that merely “some slight operations” had occurred from August 18th to August 23rd in the vicinity of Ussuri. Nothing was divulged as to the strength or location of the Japanese troops. The enemy was said to have been repulsed by machine guns furnished by the French. On August 2nd Japanese Headquarters had announced that the Kalmikov forces had occupied the position of Antonovka and had been attacked on the 20th from the rear but had effected a retreat in the direction of Kraevski situated about five versts distant.
The situation was considered difficult by the Japanese who stated that the village had been defended “under the energetic command of Colonel Pichon.” According to the communique, 8000 men were at Khabarovsk, not too far distant. Five thousand of these were said to be Austro-German and 3000 Bolsheviki. A majority of the inhabitants of that city were considered hostile to the Allies.
The officials in Vladivostok regarded the situation ominous. Nothing had been mentioned about the British who had left the city earlier in the month to cope with the outbreak on the Ussuri line. The Allied commanders considered the Japanese reports distorted. Questions were raised as to what the British, French and Czecho-Slovaks were doing. All that the communiques seemed to mention was the great success of the “glorious Japanese army.”
A phone buzzed. The Czech operator answered; a serious expression appeared on his face. Returning the receiver to its hook on a large tree which served as part of the communication system, he turned to Balsaar.
“Major Pichon wants to see Colonel Ward at once at headquarters. It seems to be very serious,” he reported. Nero, Ward’s splendid horse was brought around at once and the Colonel soon was on his way.
Expressions of anxiety were heard in the ranks. Making his way to headquarters, Ward learned of the gravity of the situation. Pichon informed Ward that large numbers of the enemy had infiltrated between the sentries. The situation required immediate action to prevent annihilation of the Allied forces.
In camp the men had been warned to shoot any stranger on sight. When some men were sighted coming along the road, rifles were leveled.
Suddenly the voice of Percy Dwight was heard. “Wait! Don’s shoot! I think those troops are Czechs.” And so they were. They had become detached from their unit and were searching for the Allied lines.
Ward and Pinchon meanwhile had decided that a withdrawal was the only alternative to envelopment. Orders were drawn up so that a retreat would be both methodical and efficient. The Czecho-Slovaks were to retire first past Ward’s lines and entrain at Kraevski; the British and the French were to bring up the rear. The latter, in turn, were to be covered by an English armored train assisted by a machine gun company of the Middlesex Regiment under Lt. King. “So the evacuation of our splendid position regretfully began.”
The 12th Division had moved up from Sviyagino to deploy the Japanese troops immediately behind the new line. They pushed their right flank out far beyond the Bolshevik positions; early in the evening the Japanese began to envelop the enemy left with their usual wide turning movement. The Japanese units now acted as a reserve and were in position before sunset. The British were ordered to move the observation post of their armored trains 600 yards ahead. Lt. King, Ward’s machine gun officer, was directed to move forward with a reduced company of Czecho-Slovak infantry to protect his advanced post.
Considerable action had taken place on the night of August 22nd. There were constant skirmishes between the British and the enemy. About 8:30 on the morning of the 23rd the British found that the Japanese patrols had quietly retired without giving notice. It was also noted that the enemy was in position on the plain for an attack and had alrea of the enemy. He arrived in time to see a duel between one of the British armored trains and a “rather spirited fellow of the same sort from the other side.”
Shells were falling to the right of the British train on the very road on which the officers were riding. They dismounted and sent the horses out of range. They then boarded the British train and observed the contest.
The situation grew tense. One of the 12-pounders faulted and the British had to retire. They could not go too far back as it was obvious that the terrorists would follow and wreak havoc upon the British infantry in the trenches near the railroad. Capt. Bath was aware of this danger and steamed forward firing rapidly. Shells burst about his target and so bewildered the enemy that the latter retired to safety.
By 7 pm a few sharp rifle cracks were heard. These sounds soon became mixed with the staccato chatter of machine guns. The rolling sound of conflict spread from the center along the entire right front. Until then it had been exclusively a small arms fight. At this point the Bolshevik artillery opened up; the Japanese and Czecho-Slovak batteries followed.
“2. The Allied troops will attack the enemy, inflicting upon them an annihilating disaster, tomorrow; August 24.
“3. The Japanese troops will attack the enemy, starting the present line, at 3 o’clock, the 24th, morning.
“4. The reserve British, French, Kalmakoff’s forces, and a few Japanese companies will be under the command of Japanese. Colonel Inagaki will arrive at the north-western side of Dukoveskoie at 2 o’clock tomorrow morning.
“(Signed) S. Oie
“Lieut.-General
“Commanding 12th Division.”
Harry LeMoine Ruggles, Royal Canadian Artillery attached to British Railway Mission
Graves’ book
With the “Die-Hards” in Siberia by Col. John Ward
America’s Siberian Expedition 1918-1920 by Betty Miller Unterberger
Padley’s papers
Padley’s papers
Ward’s book
Colonel George H. Emerson’s Report of the American Railroad Engineers with the Czecho-Slovaks, May 5 – September 1918, WDNA
Emerson’s report
Unterberger’s book quoting Balfour to Reading, Wiseman papers
Padley’s papers
John Albert White’s book
Ward’s book; Graves’ book
Padley’s papers
Ward’s book
Ward’s book; Padley’s papers
Ward’s book; Padley’s papers
Ward’s book
Padley’s papers; Ward’s book; other reports
Ward’s book
Ward’s book
Ward’s book
Padley’s papers
Packard’s report; report from various veterans
Padley’s papers; Ward’s book
Padley’s papers
Ward’s book
Ward’s book
Ward’s book
Padley’s papers
Ward’s book
Ward’s book
Ward’s book
Ward’s book
Ward’s book
The Siberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 17
The Siberian Sojourn Volume II- Chapter 17
En Route to Sviyagino
The Americans were amazed at the speed with which their first troops were shuttled in and out of Vladivostok.
On the night of August 17, 1918 Nick Hochee, Corporal of the Guard on the MERRITT, had become irritated by the bitching among the men who had been left on the transport. His company, Co. F of the 27th Infantry, was on duty. It was to remain at post until 10 am on the 18th when Company H was to relieve it.
Vladivostok 22 soldiers
Parvaya Rechka (1st River) 24 “
Vtoraya Rechka (2nd River) 24 “
Ugolnaya 56 “
Nadeshdinskaya 12 “
Tunnel 24 “
51st Verst 6 “
54th Verst 16 “
Kiparosova 6 “
Razdolnoe (Valley) 24 “
Aggregate 248 Soldiers*
After the long ocean trip most of the men, especially those who had been seasick, were unsteady and yearned to get their landlegs again. Their thirst for beauty had not been quenched by one short look at what seemed to be a fairy-tale city. The joys they felt when they realized they were the first troops to view the scene vanished with the news of the immediate exit they were to make. But orders were orders. The two companies left at once. They headed northward in tropical garb with ten-minute intervals of rest. They did not yet realize that their exodus was ultimately to become a six-day, 90-mile forced march which has been likened to the Death March of Bataan.
Company G followed and occupied the last four cars.
At about two o’clock in the afternoon a patrol of Czecho-Slovaks appeared. They stared at the men sitting by the boxcars and the Company Commander immediately instructed the official interpreter, who had been attached to the company at its departure, to tell the Czechs of their predicament and to advise them that the United States Army was not used to waiting so long for service.
Perhaps more than one American wondered how the sailor knew, and how the Westerner had had a chance to fraternize with a Tommy. They were to find the forecast only too true.
“If we get stuck and can’t get over the ruts maybe we will have a nice long quiet vacation,” one doughboy theorized. But the cars, cramped and uncomfortable, did not stop that day as the hopeful Yank had anticipated.
The firing stopped but resumed that night in the light of a bright moon. The Americans returned the fire and hoped for the best.
Hochee was stunned to see that the man’s face was bloodied. So it had come to this. One of his own men had been hit by those damned, stinking bandits. Hochee was furious. He began to pull Du Hart out of the line of fire, all the while called for medical aid. When help came Hochee said a silent prayer for Du Hart and rushed back to his place on the line. Hochee had never forgotten that moment. He recalled “I think I was the first to have seen a fellow American shed blood for the first time on Siberian soil.”
Hochee said: “Nothing doing. I am in charge and orders are orders. We stay here and guard the station.”
“Halt,” commanded Hochee. “I will disarm you and put you under arrest if you try it.”
The interpreter grumbled and swore; finally he quieted down and, with the rest of them, alleviated his growling stomach with some pickles from a filthy barrel in the station.
Finally the soldiers were on their way again. They had experienced many interruptions, mostly unpleasant, and had witnessed far more aftermaths of attacks than they would have liked. As they saw how the bandits pillaged the towns and retreated, their own blood ran cold; many more such sights were to be seen before Sviyagino would be reached.
Those women who remained, with their customary solemnity, were wailing and praying to their God for mercy and guidance. Most of them had been ravaged and abandoned.
The doughboys did what they could to help the survivors and then had to return to camp, sick in heart and in soul.
F Company formed a skirmish line and advanced through the forest. Tension increased when the file on the left encountered a Korean carrying a gunnysack. He was stopped at once but violently insisted that he was a respectable merchant on his way to town and that his sack held nothing but rubles and kopecks to purchase the wares he needed.
The company commander ordered Linny to stop the abuse. However, as a matter of precaution, the Korean was ordered to march along with the Americans.
Fortunately, the cooks and the detail wit the train had arrived earlier and chow was well on the way. The weary marchers rejoiced loudly.
- Others Out on the Line -
The fact that some soldiers had already left the city irritated those who remained in Vladivostok. This face concerned them as did many aspects of the so-called “Great Siberian Adventure.” When the troops had arrived no preparations had been made for them. True, there were cheers, bands and songs which made them feel welcome; but all those did not provide instant accommodations or a good meal. There was confusion and secrecy. Utter confusion existed at their billets. At least the men who were already on the move did not have any worry about their immediate destination before going to sleep that first night. The Americans who looked to chow, a good night’s lodging and time for sight-seeing were sadly shaken.
31st Infantry
Officers Enlisted Medical Dept.
Vladivostok 1 24 1
Parvaya Rechka 0 24 1
Ftroia Rechka 0 24 1
Okhanskaya 2 89 2
Ugolnaya 0 24 1
Nadeshdinskaya 0 24 1
Tunnel 1 16 1
51st Verst 0 16 1
Kiparasova 0 16 1
Razdolnoe 5 40 1
Baranovski 1 32 1
Morning reports from the above mentioned stations were to be serviced direct by wire daily so as to reach base headquarters not later than 9 am.
- At Sviyagino -
Morrow bellowed orders and things began to hum. Men, coarse of speech and without reverence, cussed the Colonel. Generally he was tagged either “Old Fuss and Feathers” or “Bull of the Woods.” The Colonel was a severe disciplinarian. Many privates and staff officers hated him, yet stood in awe of him. They knew he was an honest man who moved with quick decision.
Most of the men under the Colonel were rank amateurs in the waging of war. Morrow knew this and whipped them verbally until they assumed a military mien.
Meanwhile, the men of the 27th were furious at being left behind while the Japanese took their cars. The Americans decided that they had been hoodwinked while serving under the command of a Japanese general and wondered how soon General Graves would arrive to set matters right. Much as the men resented Col. Morrow’s harsh discipline, they realized that his hands were tied until the arrival of the American commander-in-chief. Morrow did express himself in his customary manner but all he could do was to report his orders to Vladivostok.
2. By your consent I desire the American troops under your command to withdraw from the camp at Sviyagino and proceed north to the monastery north of Medoceyia and to proceed there. Please take the road passing through Kunovka and Uspenka.
3. As regards the supply you will please manage yourself.
I am at Headquarters 12th Division, Shmakovka.
Oi (Lt. I.J.A. Commandant of 12th Division I.P.A.)
This order of August 28th reached Morrow at Sviyagino on the 29th at 8:30 am. He immediately wired Vladivostok stating that the monastery referred to was the Nikolsk Monastery six mile east. He added: “At present our supplies remaining at Sviyagino but hope to place them at Kraevski. March at 6:30 am tomorrow the 30th.”
Packard’s report
Merl E. Stoyer, Co. L, 27th Inf.
Sheridan Ballard, Headquarters Co., 31st Inf.
Nick Hochee, Co. F, 27th Inf. and others
Porter E. Turner, Russian Railway Serivce Corps.
William C. Boggs, Headquarters Co., 27th Inf.
Joseph Demastrie, Co. I, 31st Inf.
Packard’s report
Packard’s report
Packard’s report
Priest’s Medical Report. Also History of 27th Infantry by Capt. George A. Hunt
Report of Operations of Engineer Detachment, signed by Earl W. Jennings, Capt. Corps of Engineers, WDNA
Jennings’ Report of Jan. 8, 1919
Nick Hochee; Raymond Lefebvre (27th Inf.); James J. Merati and others
Priest’s Medical Report; Nick Hochee and William C. Boggs
Packard’s report
Siberian and Eastern Russian, Part II, Pacific Coast to Irkutsk, Military Monograph, Subsection M.1.2., Military Intelligence Division, General Staff
Packard’s report
Packard’s report
Earl W. Jennings, Report of Operations Engineer Dept., AEFShe 27th Infantry reported that they were in four-man tents at first and lived therein until they moved to large barracks
Siberian Sojourn-Volumn II, Chapter 16
Siberian Sojourn-Volumn II, Chapter 16
As the Americans continued to arrive in Vladivostok they could not help realizing that they were engaged in an international campaign.
- The Japanese -
Japanese infiltration into Siberia had begun as early as the spring of 1918. At that time an unpleasant incident occurred in Vladivostok which served as a pretext to put men ashore. It was the general consensus of opinion that the Japanese had designees on the Russian maritime provinces.
As for the landing of troops for the intervention in the summer 1918, the first body of the Japanese detachment departed from Moji and Ujina between August 3 and August 21, 1918.
The first force arrived in Vladivostok on August 5, 1918 on the Hizen Maru. It was followed on the 11th by two transports with some 20,000 troops. Immediately upon landing the soldiers paraded down the main street of Vladivostok.
As the Americans observed the ever-present Japanese and as they watched the grinning coolies and heard about the war prisoners that were at large, they had concerns about what would face them beyond Vladivostok.
- The POW’s -
The men of the 31st Infantry, Company K, were ill at ease when they were assigned to guard the POWs at the Base of Supplies. Some of the Americans dug up ancient grindstones with which they sharpened their bayonets. They were not anxious to take any changes with the “Heinies.” As for the prisoners, they looked on an mumbled to themselves.
If some of the Americans had heeded their parents’ advice to keep diaries we would have had a better record than we do of events. Ralph Baggs’ father wrote to his son on August 14th at New York and advised: “Keep a diary of events. It will be extremely interesting to you in you later life and will tend to refresh your memory.” Unfortunately, Baggs paid no heed. Baggs’ dad also advised: “I don’t suppose your letters will be censored from that quarter of the glove, so you may write us fully of what is going on.”Unfortunately, letters were censored and, whatever Baggs may have written has now passed into obscurity for there is not a trace of any of his mail from Siberia to the States. Thus we have no record of his thoughts in those long dreary months in Siberia. We do have mail to him and note the patriotic fervor in that mail and in the mail to and from other men. Censorship during WWII, the Korean War and our involvement in Vietnam has deprived the world of much documentary history. As the years recede we are to be compelled to rely on “official reports” by those who are not permitted to present the whole story.
Vladivostok is situated on the slope of a coastal range between the Amur Gulf at the southwest extremity of a peninsula between the Amur Gulf on the west and the Ussuri Gulf on the east. The magnificent harbor which was formed by the bay of the Golden Horn on the western and northern sides had created a city that seemed to slumber in beauty.
The consensus of opinion was that the people in Vladivostok lived “a very crowded life.” There were few modern improvements or facilities. Filth was everywhere. Food and clothing were difficult to obtain; soap was almost nonexistent and water had to be carried in buckets. There were no toilets in the homes; each city had a public toilet which everyone used and which discharged into the open. The lack of plumbing, the drabness and the poverty depressed some of the Americans. Yet others spoke of the beauty. The buildings were described as “beautiful but ancient looking. . .They were of European style.” Most of the buildings were so old that they gave forth an air of stability, an air in contrast to conditions. “I found the city romantic,” one soldier remarked, “magnificent native costumes with an amazing culture amongst some of the people. Yet the terror of Bolshevism was grasping the people when we arrived and the lust for blood was in evidence everywhere.” As for the Bay, that was a jewel, sparkling in the sun. The Golden Horn was the magnificent entrance to the harbor. Surely this was a land of sharp contrasts.
Many of the Americans did not sense the culture of this land; they saw only poverty and stagnation. “We found the cobblestones odd. They were not square like ours but egg-shaped field stones of oval type. They made me feel as though we were walking on eggs.”
Youthful and eager to see everything new, the Americans enjoyed watching quaint customs, bawdy scenes any novelties that came their way.
In retrospect Sheppard remarked, “Today my Siberian trip all seems like a dream to me. but I do recall meeting Czecho-Slovaks there. They had been captured in the town where we were stationed and there were a good many prisoners there too. There was a parade, I recall that too. We marched through the town and realized that those silent movie cameras were grinding away and taking pictures of us! Not long afterwards I was on my way to Khabarovsk, and for the first time in my whole life I saw a dead soldier. It was not a good feeling.”
Signs over stores continued to intrigue each new arrival. The men said that they yearned to compare the contents of the shops with what the trade pictures indicated.
In addition there were 20 railway stations and 14 water supply stations that had been blown up. There was no accurate estimate of how much trackwork had been demolished or removed. It has been considered that all railway delays, whether caused by partisans or their opponents, played a major role in bringing about the eventual defeat of Admiral Kolchak and his supporters.
Although consisting of numerous warring factions, all Siberians had the common purpose of preventing the return of a Czarish regime. Numerous dictatorships, directorates and other governments were constantly appearing. Each told the populace that it would be best for them.
At the time the Americans were preparing so seriously in the Philippines and in the States during July and August, 1918 the Czecho-Slovak forces had already abandoned their efforts to withdraw from Eastern Russian and from Siberia, in spite of the fact that the Americans were proposing to rescue them! Colonel Styer became aware of this situation upon his arrival.
2) War activities of prisoners of war must be halted
4) There should be retention of as much anti-Bolshevik government as possible in hopes that an anti-Bolshevik army could be organized and a non-Bolshevik government could be created.
Huge quantities of materials belonging to the American and European powers had been piled up at Vladivostok and had become the source of great concern. The fear that these supplies might fall into the hands of the Central Powers still persisted. The only protection for those stores was supplied by the presence of Allied Warships. The USS BROOKLYN, HMS SUFFOLK, the Japanese ships ASAHI and IWANI, and the Chinese cruiser HAI YUNG maintained a watchful eye over these stores.
Two days after Col. Styer had been informed that Gen. Kikuz Otani was commander in chief of all Allied armies, Otani was officially designated by the Japanese government to command the Japanese expedition to Siberia. By virtue of his grade he was senior to any of the other commanding generals. Consequently, soon after landing, he fortified the statement made to Styer with the following communication which was addressed to the Allied Armies:
(Signed) General Otani Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Armies
The first group of American soldiers to arrive was not long in Vladivostok before the crowds began to swell in Svetlanskaya Street. Hamor B. Scott had met many people; he had worked hard before reaching Siberia. He was born in 1882 and was orphaned in 1887. Thereafter he lived where he could with numerous families. Scott joined the army in 1911 and found himself in Siberia in 1918. He did not recall too much trouble upon his arrival but remembers vividly that the American and British troops were handed leaflets when they arrived. The leaflets read:
“We take it for granted that this is a word of welcome and warning to the American and British forces landing in Siberia. We take it for granted that you have landed here on Russian soil with no hostile intentions to the Russian people that you could be of some help to the distressed Russian people and in this we thank you and bid you welcome. Your machine guns and your artillery should not and must not be turned on the peasants in order to strangle the majority of the Russian people. ~”The Friends of the Russian Revolution.”
The Americans soon found that there were sights beyond those of Vladi’s muddy streets. Some of the men had wandered over to the Bathing Beach, just as the RRSC men had done previously. There before their eyes was a multitude of people — men, women and children, enjoying the bathing, all in the nude. As this news spread there soon was a large audience of Americans at Vladivostoks beaches.
When the 31st Infantry arrived at Vladivostok a tent camp was established in Gornastaya Valley, just east of the city. Detachments were immediately deployed along the Ussuri Railway Line taking strong tactical positions at Nadezhdinskaya, Kiparisova, Ugolnaya, Pervai Rechka and other small railway towns.
K.C. Lin, Commander C.N.”
Ironically, on the same date, First Lt. Herrick of the 27th Infantry sent word to Major Buck out on the line that: “Civilian messenger reports about 400 Chinese bandits now about seven verst from here marching on this place, armed with rifles and one pound machine guns. Send reinforcements and machine guns as soon as possible.”
“The memory of your heroic action on the shores of Baikal will be cherished by your country and the glory with which you are covering yourselves in this painful time of the deliverance of our suffering Native Country, will be handed down from generation to generation.
Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Front
Colonel Pepeloff
Commander of the Middle Siberian Corps
Colonel Bagoslovsky
Chief of Staff of the Eastern Front,
General Staff of the Army.”
On Saturday, August 25th there was stir of excitement in Vladivostok. Gen. Dmitri L. Horvath, General Manager of the Chinese Eastern Railway, ordered all Russian subjects to report for duty to fight to the end against the Germans and the Bolsheviki. He set himself up as Dictator of All Russia.
On the following day, August 26th, the men of the 27th Infantry who were still in the city had much to occupy themselves. They were assigned 28 head or horses and 186 mules. Civilian Farrier Humphries accompanied the stock. The balance of the latter was assigned to the 31st Infantry Field Hospital #4 and the Ambulance Company #4. Additional shipments were made later to the 27th Infantry at Spasskoe and Khabarovsk.
At first the natives were suspicious, but with the passing of August 1918 they found the Americans were friendly and meant them no harm.
Siberian Sojourn-Volumn II, Chapter 15
THE SIBERIAN SOJOURN- BOOK TWO
Written By: EDITH M. FAULSTICH
This work of my grandmother’s is protected by copyright laws, any use for profit thereof or reprint of any kind or use on any medium, social network, brochure, book, reserach article must be fully cited. Please, give her the due respect she deserves from the 25 years of selfless research she performed. Faulstich, Edith M. The Siberian Sojourn. [Yonkers, N.Y.]: Faulstich, 19741977. I have taken the time to electronically reprint her unpublished book, except for a very small printing which was provided to the families of the A.E.F soldiers and the select with whom she corresponded.
Please respect the life work and research of my grandmother, who has since passed on.
Forward
Book Two of the “Siberian Sojourn” is a continuation of Book One which was presented in 1974. Both books follow the outline as planned by Edith M. Faulstich prior to her death in 1972.
Book One, in spite of shortcomings, was well received by you veterans and you families. You knew well of the love and devotion with which the work was conceived by Edith. It is my hope that Book Two will be equally well received. I am sure that any shortcomings will again be generously overlooked.
While the story of any historical event can never be fully told, it is felt that something of value has been added to the record of the “Siberian” campaign. It was the intent of Edith that men and women who served would have some small recognition which is so rarely granted in the formal history books.
It is hoped that Edith will be pleased with this presentation. It is hoped that you veterans and your families will approve.
Fred Faulstich
May 22, 1977
Contents
Footnotes to Book Two
Chapter XV Colonel Styer Arrives and Troops Land 1 – 24
Chapter XVI Events to the End of August 1918 25 – 54
Chapter XVII F & G Companies, 27th Infantry Regiment En Route to Sviyagino 55-74
Chapter XVIII The Britis 75 – 90
Chapter XIX The Battle of Kraevski 91 – 98
Chapter XX The 90-Mile March 99 – 120
Chapter XXI General Graves & More Troops Arrive in Vladivostok 121 – 158
Chapter XXII The Americans Settle in at Vladivostok 159 – 208
Chapter XXIII Personnel of the 27th and 31st Regiments Go Full Strength 209 – 221
Footnotes 222 – 226
Chapter XV
Colonel Styer Arrives and Troops Land
Upon the arrival of the American Expeditionary Force, Colonel Henry Styer, who had command of the AEF in Siberia up to the arrival of Major General Graves, paid an official call on Japanese Lieutenant General Oi the Senior Military Officer then present in Valdivostok.
After introductory amenities were over, Styer asked Oi for suggestions as to the best procedure for American cooperation. To the Colonel’s dismay the Japanese general lost no time in stating that General Kikuz Otani of the Imperial Japanese Army had been designated to assume the Supreme Command of all the Allied Siberian Forces “at the request of the American Government.”
Styer was stunned by the impact of this news. American soldiers under the command of a Japanese? This was unheard of. With military dignity he merely indicated that he had not been so advised.
“I suggest,” said Styer, “that concrete plans await the arrival of the Supreme Commander of the American Forces, Major General William S. Graves. He will be here shortly.”
The Japanese retorted that plans could not wait.
It can well be imagined that Styer must have had a few sleepless nights pondering this. He wired Washington at once and asked for specific information regarding command.
When word was received it merely confirmed that Graves would be arriving in Vladivostok shortly. That had not answered his query. Washington’s apparent unwillingness to refute the Japanese announcement left nothing for the Colonel to do but proceed according to General Oi’s instructions until Major General Graves arrived.
Styer designated the names and duties of his staff officers. His official cable to Washington reported that he had with him 1,537 men of the 27th Infantry.
Among the officers were included some OF the staff authorized by the war Department: Colonel James S. Wilson, Chief Surgeon, Major David P. Barrows, Intelligence Officer (with four assistants) and Lieutenant Colonel W.V. Morris who became the Inspector General of the Expedition.
Colonel Styer conferred with Lt. General Yuhi, Chief of Staff representing General Otani and was given a detailed briefing on the general plan of operations. A map of the area was consulted. Styer was told that there were some 15,000 armed enemy in Khabarovsk. Yuhi stated that it would therefore be necessary to strike there first and take that city. They would then proceed west by Amur and Manchuria. There would be 40,000 troops and a long double line of communications to make secure between the Allies and the Czecho-Slovaks if the latter were to be extricated from west of Irkutsk.
Styer had not been briefed on conditions, but he did know that the Czeho-Slovaks were to be helped to get back to Vladivostok. That was part of the mission. But he had no way of knowing that the Japanese exaggerated conditions. He simply assumed that their reports were correct.
Therefore, in special Orders #1 of August 16, 1918 he stated that the Second Battalion was ordered to relieve the Railroad Guards.
Thus it was that American soldiers served under Japanese command from mid-August, 1918 until the arrival of General Graves on September 2, 1918.
Upon his arrival Graves immediately called on General Utani (by that time himself in Vladivostok) and set the record straight with regard to the command of American troops. Graves stated that he and he alone would be in charge of the latter.
Before the arrival of the Commander in Chief, Styer had wired Washington on August 19th to report his meeting with Yuhi. He gave estimates of the situation and plan of operations.
“General Otani stated that in his judgment present forces assigned to the expedition are insufficient to accomplish mission which was and remains solely the extrication of the Czechs west of Irkutsk between whom and us are 40,000 enemy forces and a double line of communications to make secure. The Czechs west of Irkutsk have little ammunition left and are otherwise in pitiable plight, so much so that their relief before winter is imperative if they are to survive. This can only be done in his (Otani’s) opinion by a rapid campaign with augmented forces. He asked the Allied Commanders to so represent to their governments and that they themselves send all forces immediately available and request Japan to send troops at once in sufficient numbers to meet the situation: 5,000 Canadians are en route. Japan has ready many troops. After asking each Commander if and how many of his troops were read to join in advance on Khabarovsk, he stated his intention of ordering an immediate concentration of all available forces and an attack.”
Several days later, on August 21st, Styer set forth General Order #5. It said in part: “This detachment has the distinction of being the first of the American Expeditionary Forces to land in Siberia. Each officer and man has the responsibility to adopting from the start a personal attitude which will help the American objects in uniting their military power to that of our Allies for the defeat of the enemy purpose in Russia. The good name of the United States and the maintenance of cordial relations with the Allied forces and with the Russian people requires perfect deportment of each member of this command. The situation of the Russian people is one that entitles them to our sympathy and consideration. After making great sacrifices and enduring great hardships in the conduct of the war, the Russian people now find their government disorganized in the process of changes started by the revolution and our behavior and attitude must always take this into consideration, so that no one at any time may justly charge any individual American officer or soldier with exploiting or criticizing these conditions. The absence of an efficiently organized civil administration necessitates unusual restraint on the part of all American officers and noncommissioned officers of their military authority to quiet any altercation, misunderstanding or disorder. All members of this Command are enjoined to refrain absolutely from political altercations or unfriendly criticism.”
It was in this Order that Styer also directed the Second Battalion of the 27th Infantry to relieve the railroad guards along the line from Vladivostok to Nikolsk.
In the two weeks that followed, American men were put through an ordeal that none will ever forget. They were forced on rides and marches through terrain and conditions which were unbelievable. They went into skirmishes with a will to win, skirmishes which should not have involved them at all.
It all started in Vladivostok when the exaggerated Japanese reports spurred the Allies into action in accordance with the plans outlined by the Japanese. It was not until some time later that the extent of this exaggeration was realized. Finally it was discovered that heavy reinforcements were not needed for an immediate offensive. Apparently the request for Allied troops was arranged so that the soldiers would arrive after the Japanese had waged their campaign and after they had gained the fruits of victory. But in all the flush of information given to Colonel Styer upon arrival, there had been little else he could have done except to rely upon the Japanese and comply with Otani’s express commands. History had not yet been written and no one could have known at the outset what lay in the vast unknown depth of Siberia; nor that the military situation had been misrepresented.
The Japanese had presented the plight of the Czecho-Slovaks as pitable. Yet at that time the Czechs occupied the banks of the Ussuri River and were supported by the Cossacks, the British and the French. Some Japanese detachments were also there. It became apparent that Japanese actions were motivated by aims of their own rather than by a spirit of cooperation with the Allies.
In addition to the burden of the astounding Japanese demands for American troops to leave Vladivostok, Styer was concerned with the quartering and supplying of his troops. At this point, his men were still aboard the transport.
Styer reviewed the situation with staff officials. Suitable barracks had to be found immediately. There would be a need for storage houses. The possibilities of Vladivostok as a source of supplies for the troops had to be investigated.
The general disorganization must have been most disheartening; it is unlikely that any expedition ever entered a foreign port with so little advance preparation and with so many confusing orders. The town was studied from one end to the other more than once and Colonel Styer wished that General Graves had been able to be with him in all his moments of decision and indecision.
Vladivostok with all its suburbs to the north and east was dotted with barrack groups said to be sufficient for some 70,000 Russian soldiers. This was good news indeed, until it was realized that as far as American soldiers were concerned it would not house that number. The standard cubic air space required for our men was much more than that allotted to Russian military men.
When the American officers visited the barracks they reeled in revulsion. The floors were covered with layers of excrement and filth and the whole was infested with vermin. There was no running water, no sewer system nor any provision for artificial light!
“Good God,” moaned more than one man, “what can we ever do with these?” They left the stinking quarters as fast as possible.
The barracks all conformed to a general plan. The dimensions of each were usually 100 x 50 feet. The structures were predominantly one story in height and built of brick trimmed with cut stone.
The barracks in Vladivostok as well as throughout Eastern Siberia had been built for Russian troops; all appeared to be of a standard type. There was usually an entrance at each end. Each building contained four small rooms twelve feet square. These were separated by a narrow hall terminating in a general squad room. Ceilings were twelve feet high. These rooms were used for administration purposes.
Each kitchen contained a typical Russian stove, usually four feet broad, three feet deep and six to eight feet high. Stoves were equipped with immovable small fire boxes and with huge iron or copper cauldrons of 50-gallon capacity. Generally there was no provision for cooking or baking on the top. Further investigation revealed that there was no provision whatever for the cleaning of utensils!
The officials learned that garbage and waste water had usually simply been thrown down a hole in the floor. The Americans were learning about life in Siberia.
“Where did the soldiers eat?” asked one of the officers, for there was no mess hall in any of the barracks.
They were to find out that Russian soldiers went into the kitchen to receive their food which was then eaten in the Squad Room. This room was lighted with the customary double windows which provided about the same degree of light as the Americans had been used to in the States. The Squad Room was heated by another large brick or cast-iron stove which was lined with firebrick. These stoves were about four feet square and ten feet high. The firebox was small and required hours of firing until sufficient heat was generated. They were, however, adequate to heat a room ventilated in a manner to which the doughboys were accustomed.
It was learned that in Siberia, with the onset of cold weather, buildings were hermetically sealed to conserve fuel. Eastern Siberia had little available as a result of the disorganization of the railways. Available coal was inferior in quality.
Stoves in the officers’ rooms were miniatures of those in the barracks. At regular intervals in the barracks groups a typical Russian bathhouse was located. This was a one-story affair where provision was made to expose from twenty to forty men at one time in the conventional Russian bath followed by a cold plunge.
As he studied the situation in Vladivostok, Styer became increasingly more troubled. It did not take him too long to realize that the Allied military objective required prompt reorganization of the railway administration. Seated on board the WARREN on August 17, 1918, he wrote: “The American Railroad Engineers are right in Harbin and have been ready to do the necessary reorganization. Some of them are also in Vladivostok now. They are prepared with full knowledge of the situation based on full investigation and practical cooperation. As a military measure of the first importance I believe they (The Russian Railway Service Corp) should be placed in charge of the railway administrations at once. I propose to so represent to my government by cable today, with the recommendation that the services of these engineers be formally placed at the disposal of such military official or body as may be appointed by the Allied Commanders to supervise the military use of the railway necessary to joint operations. Your views are requested.”
While Styer and other officials were trying to investigate the situation and arrange for barracks for the doughboys, the latter were tramping up and down the transports wondering when they could set foot on land again. As a matter of fact, the officers had similar thoughts.
When the men finally left the transports they learned that the British, French and Japanese were already there. The Czecho-Slovaks were everywhere and the White Russians and Bolsheviks were both entering the city by carloads. Those “grinning Chinese coolies” already discussed, were present in every group and new leaders were screaming to the Russians to join their particular kind of Government.
The Cossacks were sniping at the peasants who were scowling so bitterly one could almost here their oaths.
Yes, the wharves that mid-August of 1918 offered quite a sight; there were meticulously dressed business men, unclothed and unbathed urchins and men, women and children in a variety of costumes all intermingled.
To our soldiers in their neat olive drab it was perhaps the beginning of the strangest series of experiences they were ever to face. One man said that the most peculiar happening that he witnessed on his first day was a pompous, well dressed business man “stepping over a stinking dead animal, covered with vermin, right in the middle of the street as though it was a perfectly ordinary thing to do.” The soldier added that he “felt dizzy and distracted by all the disorders and by the sights and smells.” The men had no sooner set foot on land than they were assailed by one rumor after another. Furthermore, none of the officials seemed to have any idea of what to do with the army once it got on shore. The prevailing disorganization has not been forgiven by many a man to this day. The faith they had in their country began to waver. A doubt disturbed them, one they wanted to push aside, but a doubt nevertheless. As they were shunted from one place to another in the months ahead and had become accustomed to the confusion and chaos in Siberia, this doubt faded; they never did, however, ever completely forget those first disappointments. They had believed that Uncle Sam would surely have barracks and chow ready for them upon arrival.
As though it was not confusing enough to view the melting pot of the world at Vladivostok’s front door, the 1500 arrivals were about to face a local stike!
Local labor, although in apparent need of money, refused to unload the transports. This work was now left to the ocean-weary soldiers. It meant no sight-seeing, no rest, no chow; just hard labor.
The officers too were furious at the disorganization attending their arrival; the strike was about the last straw.
When the Russian laborers saw that the Americans were about to do their own unloading, they recanted and agreed to work after all. They were then told to go to hell by the officers; the men of the 27th did the work.
Emotions remained mixed. There were always a few who professed to have had no surprise or amazement at the treatment. One man said, “It’s always the same in any port.” Others disagreed violently. Many put the unpleasant aside and recalled the reception they had received. They never forgot the wonderful and strange arrival and recall to this day that they were met in the harbor by the Czecho-Slovak soldiers who nearly “raised the roof” when they saw the Americans. “Those fellow sure made us know that they were glad to see us,” one man said.
But when the men left the ships and had had a chance to talk to those who could understand them, they became fearful in spite of the size and obvious commercial status of Vladivostok. The fears that had assailed them on the transport regarding wolves and Bolsheviks had been allayed, had released tens of thousands of German and Austrian prisoners of war who were going to treat the Allies as enemies, they began to wonder how the situation was to be met.
When the Americans put the town under closer scrutiny it still seemed a quaint place, not as beautiful as they had at first though. Otto Korn expressed it this way when he had fist landed: “It was as though the wheels of time had stopped turning about a century ago. The quaint old buildings on cobblestone streets were pleasant to look at, but oh the filth when you came closer! Most of the people were emaciated looking and poorly clad. The men were bewhiskered usually, and wore knee length boots. This seemed the custom throughout the land. They had Tonnerville Trolley type streetcars mostly driven by fat sloppy women often in dirty house dresses or aprons. The cars were usually loaded down with people, many carrying large bundles of belongings wrapped up in bedsheets or tablecloths, or the like. Pigs and chickens ran in and out of the front doors of the homes, which were built right on the sidewalks–and this was in the busier parts of the town where the streetcars and cobblestones were. Their highways or rural roads were unpaved; practically ungraded. When wet they were quagmires and when dry they were dusty and nothing but ruts and bumps. Then there were the collies who went around and cleaned out the latrines. They were called the ‘honey dumpers’. Beverage systems and inside plumbing was not too prevalent. Lost every town we subsequently came to had a Japanese red light section, but at the same time most every village had a church. The Greek Orthodox Church with its double cross bar became a familiar sight no matter where we went. As congenial and friendly as the Russians seemed to be, life was still very cheap. A person did not have much trouble losing life. The entire atmosphere to me seemed to be one lawlessness. I believe that many people were murdered and there was nothing down about it.”
It was soon learned that the masses of material piled up at dockside were actually the supplies and munitions about which the Americans had heard so much. They had been told so often that the material had been sent to Siberia by the Allies. No one had to tell them what might happen if those supplies fell into the hands of the released German prisoners! It might mean victory for the enemy. The Americans realized that it would be a fight to the finish if the prisoners seized those supplies. Furthermore, the Americans knew that the Bolsheviks and others would contend for money as well as the very clothes on a man’s back.
“Be wary of any man,” the doughboys were told, “no matter what kind of a uniform he may be wearing for you never know when a Bolshevik will be dressed up like a White Russian Admiral.”
Many of the Americans were ‘bitching’ about their accommodations. George Vandenburgh said that they were temporarily placed in old Russian quarters which were “full of cockroaches. We spend several days with candles lighting them as they ran up the walls. It was bitterly cold at night and we were not issued warm clothing for some time.”
Julian Sheppard recalls meeting Czecho-Slovak soldiers that had “captured the town and taken a good deal of prisoners. They were kept in he old round house and there were some very rough people among those prisoners.”
The whole situation, the sights and sounds and advice, did not make for a very relaxed atmosphere. Furthermore, the Americans were told to watch out for unexpected raids. These were frequent they heard, and one never knew when they were going to come. All this sage advice was from the few in the seething mobs who could speak the men’s own language. The Yanks were also told: “Good God men, you had better get other clothes and quick.” This caused concern. They were hot and contented when they arrived in August, but at night it was quite a different story. Sometimes the temperature dropped unbelievably and before long the Americans heard that it would go to 60 degrees below zero.
“Save up your grease,” the soldiers were advised, “for a month or so you will have that stinking stuff on your face, or your skin will crack. You won’t be able to stand the cold, or the stench of the grease, so what’s the difference.” Sardonic laughs accompanied the information.
“It’s a lovely place here,” said one Tommy to a Yank, “wolves howl at night, bandits prowl by day and by night, murder and unburied bodies are an everyday occurrence. Yes man, quite a lovely, lovely place.”
The new arrivals did hear one favorable thing about Vladivostok. That was that the city had “nice Chinese tea shops.” This sounded good, yet more than one nose wrinkled when there came to mind the Chinamen they had seen at the waterfront.
So this was what they had come to. This was the vast frozen wasteland full of wolf packs that would be lined up at the dock; and then they were told to visit a nice Chinese tea shop! With no wolves in sight, what a topsy-turvy world!
While they waited for a suitable place to be quartered they had increasing conversations with those who had preceded them. They learned of the vanguard of Czecho-Slovaks who had come overland from Europe with rifles and they had entered from the land side and eventually fought the Bolsheviks from one railway station to another, and how as a result of this the very air of each town reeked with desolation. The Americans were told that the Bolsheviks had welched on an agreement with the Czecho-Slovaks who were not about to accept a double cross; they fought back. Riots were the order of the day.
The Americans wondered what it would be like in those outlying districts along the tracks. Would they be sent there? They saw that Vladivostok had not remained immune from war for there were bullet-riddled buildings and many windows were still devoid of glass.
Perhaps the most comforting sight that the doughboys enjoyed was that of the majestic BROOKLYN and the sailors and marines aboard her. They called to the ship with much affection.
“Good luck, guys,” Emmett Hoskins, a sailor, called back. “You are our regular army and we are with you all the way.” And the sailors meant it. Hoskins wrote in his diary: “The troops looked wonderful to us. There were young soldiers, and those with hash marks, and we knew they were the backbone of our army and would be a good fighting outfit. But we could not help but notice the difference in ages and builds. Some were so tall, some short, some thin, some fat; but all military of the United States of America.”
Although it was good to see the Americans on the BROOKLYN as well as the English and the French troops, the general effect was almost awesome.
It was difficult for an American to evaluate the ethnology of Siberia after viewing the population in the streets that late summer of 1918. Those of the better class seemed to be of Russian origin as did the multitudes of peasants. Yet there appeared to be a large proportion of Chinese, Koreans and members of native tribes from the Northern Provinces. In addition there were the Germans, Austrians, Turks, Czecho-Slovaks, Englishmen, Frenchmen, Italians, Poles, Jews, Romanians, Siberians and others. For years Siberia had been the depository for political and criminal prisoners. Many of these were educated but penniless, the shabby genteel of the country. It was not until the turn of the century that Russia imprisoned her criminals in Russia rather than exiling them to Siberia. At any rate, the sons of cutthroats and intellectuals walked side by side through the muck of the streets of Vladivostok.
The American Intelligence Section was immediately placed in the preliminary staff arrangements upon its arrival. The group maintained close relations with the Flagship BROOKLYN as well as with Japanese and Czecho-Slovak Headquarters as well as the British and French Military Missions.
The American personnel were pleased indeed to know that they were surrounded by their Intelligence Section which they felt would keep them informed about conditions. An Intelligence Officer controlled the Engineer Detachment until September 11, 1918. Subsequently the Detachment was separated and placed under the command of an Engineer Officer. The Engineers had been occupied from the time of their arrival. Sixteen officers were provided for in the Headquarters Building and five field parties of three men each had started work on a reconnaissance map of Vladivostok and vicinity with an attached index to show location, construction and size of all buildings available for military purposes; principal buildings for the city were also indicated.
The Veterinary Unit was responsible for the welfare of animals. This unit had its own special problems as each piece of stock had to be examined by John A. McKinnon and Civilian Farrier William Humphries. It took some time to find that the 130 head of horses and 340 mules were in excellent condition and that they “suffered no ill effects from the trip.” Nothing was said about the mule which had been reported earlier to have died of seasickness. When the mules were debarked they were picketed at the Custom House docks. The stock was kept on these docks for six days and then transported to a compound of the Base & Line of Communications.
When Co. M, 27th Infantry, landed it used the sheds belonging to the Baldwin Locomotive Works. Some of these sheds were also used for storage rooms and one served to house the German and Austrian prisoners of war. Five hundred of the latter worked for the Americans in their sector. The prisoners were good workers; many had been to the United States.
Major Richard Allen of the Quartermaster Reserve Corps was assigned to duty as Quartermaster of the AEFS. On August 21, 1918 Major Allen was relieved by Lt. Colonel G.H. Williams, Infantry, as Acting Chief Quartermaster. Williams continued at this post until the arrival of Colonel E.J. Gallagher, Chief Quartermaster, on September 29th. The personnel that had accompanied the Expedition from the Philippine Islands included Major Allen, Captain L.J. Wechsler, 2nd Lieutenant Harry Feigleson and Frank L. Talmadge. In addition there were also one Field Clerk and 28 enlisted men.
The organization which arrived from Manila was equipped with Equipment C based on peace strength of organizations. The supplies necessary to equip these to full war strength with Equipment C and special Alaskan clothing (to enable them to endure the Siberian winter) were shipped later from the United States in accordance with requisitions prepared prior to the departure of the Commanding General.
The Quartermaster Division had commenced operations as early as August 7, 1918 when the first troops left Manila. Captain Wechsler was relieved on September 4, 1918 by Lt. Clifford C. Patterson, Q.M.C.
It was subsequently found that the Baldwin buildings, occupied as officers quarters, troop barracks, hospitals, stables, etc., were in bad repair, requiring a considerable outlay of material and labor to make them habitable and warm for winder living.
When the buildings were used as warehouses by the various departments it was found necessary to reinforce the floors as they were found inadequate to carry the storage of supplies. Adjustments were made by Russian carpenters under the direction of the Quartermaster Corps. War prisoners were used as laborers.
Since the water supply was poor, distilling plants were installed at the Base Evacuation Hospital. A bathhouse with 56 showers was built at the plant at the Base. The hot water from a condenser was used for bathing.
The Quartermaster Corps was to be kept busy for some time to come. A laundry was constructed by this unit for the use of the Evacuation Hospital. In order to provide transportation for the troops it was necessary to equip boxcars with wooden bunks. The latter were built the width of the cars at each end and were long enough to provide a comfortable bed. Cars were also provided for the transportation of animals.
Much of the above work was started soon after the men had landed. It was found necessary to construct new roads to and from the Base and around the Warehouse. Four thousand feet of foundation rock was laid 20 feet in width and 18 inches in depth. This was done under the supervision of the RRSC with POW labor.
After the confusion of the first landing had subsided, it became necessary to instal spur tracks (a total of 1,190 feet) parallel to the docks at the Base. These were placed to facilitate the loading and unloading of future transports. Railroad material belonging to the Chinese Eastern Railway was utilized for this purpose.
The inhabitants of the city saw the first American doughboys marching through the streets on August 18, 1918. The soldiers were en route to the front.
- The Parade -
It did not take the Americans long to hear that there was to be a big Allied Parade on August 19th. The men who remained in the city were to march through the streets in all their glory. The whole town was to be out to watch. And that was no exaggeration.
James Whitehead wrote to his wife at 10 pm the night of the 19th and said: “The Americans sure looked wonderful. There were about 1200 of them, all fully equipped. “Not all the troops were in the parade either,” he explained, “but there were enough to show the Russians a good sample of Americanism. I was up on a balcony with some Russian friends and sure had a wonderful view.”
Eugene Streed recalled that his detachment of Marines were parading between two bands which kept playing different tunes! “It sure was hard to keep in step.”
The parade started at 4 pm and the men were escorted by a company of Czecho-Slovaks as they strutted down wide Svetlanskaya Street. It was all very thrilling with the Czech bank playing for all it was worth.
A Guard of Honor also paraded down the street and was received by line of Allied officers. The public was wildly enthusiastic. The entire city joined in the air of celebration.
The reviewing officers included Admiral Knight of the U.S. Navy and Gen. Dietrichs, the general who was commanding the Czecho-Slovaks. American and Allied Consuls were also on hand.
Along the route the guards of the march were unarmed and were spaced at eight-foot intervals. These consisted of Americans, Czecho-Slovaks, Japanese and Russian soldiers as well as French, Japanese, British, Chinese and American sailors and marines. After the great showing the Americans returned to the transport.
RRSC corpsmen Porter Turner observed that there were about a thousand troops following the band and that there were also different supply wagons and autos. “They sure made a grand showing and were given a glad hand by all the leading people here,” he wrote.
Julian Sheppard of Co. K 27th Infantry was proud of the Colors of the Regiment as were all the men of that outfit. He notes “We paraded through the town. Movies were taken of our Regiment.”
The 27th Infantry Regimental Colors were first carried ashore to be displayed in the parade.
Later it had been rumored that the 27th had lost its Colors. Many of the men hotly denied this and James Merati reported that the Colors were always in front of Colonel Morrow’s headquarters. Merati stated that “they were displayed every single day and were always with the Regiment Headquarters Company. It may be that the 27th was split up into to many companies that it just seemed as though the Colors had been lost.”
Years later a version of what really happened appeared in an article by John W. Wike in the February 15, 1955 issue of “The Wolfhound.” The article had been published by the courtesy of “The Quarterly Journal Military Collector and Historian.” “The Wolfhound” was the official publication of the 27th Infantry Regiment and had been printed for that organization during the Siberian intervention.
Wike stated that the 27th Infantry Regiment (The Wolfhounds) received as much praise as any other unit in the army and that it was praise justly deserved. “At the same time,” he reported, “it has also been the victim of one of the worst type of rumor to befall a fighting outfit, namely that it lost its colors in Siberia in 1919 while part of the Siberian Expedition. This story has, in one version or another, been making the rounds since 1920.”
Mr. Wike said that he felt that it was time to kill the rumors and explain that in mid-August 1918 the 27th Infantry Regiment paraded their Colors on the 19th of the month and were reviewed by General Otani, Admiral Knight, Colonel Styer and others.
“From that moment,” Wike stated, “to the end of its stay in Russia, the 27th acted in the best traditions of the United States Army and when its soldiers embarked from Russian soil in December 1920 they did so with the praise of the local Russians and the Allies ringing in their ears.”
Exactly one year after the parade, on August 19, 1919, Colonel Morrow requested new Colors. The old ones had been in service for fourteen years and he reported that the silk had so disintegrated that repairs were not practicable. He also requested permission for the unit to retain its current Colors as no others were available and he did not want the regiment without its Colors while in Siberia. Four days later his request was approved and a cable was sent to the States for new Colors. The 27th also received permission to retain the old ones. On September 4, 1919, General Graves was informed that the Colors had been shipped from Jeffersonville, Indiana as early as April 30th. A further report indicated that the Colors had left San Francisco on June 5th. They started to the Regiment but never reached it and thus the rumor started that the Colors had been lost. “Far from being lost in disgrace,” Wike stated, “they do not seem ever to have been received. They were lost in transit.”
Wike proved his point by asserting that on April 21, 1922, when the unit was stationed in Hawaii, another request was made, noting that the Colors had been in use for sixteen years. This indicated that the flags then in use were the same original Colors that had been identified as being too ragged in 1919. They had not been lost at all; they were just a bit more ragged. At last, in 1922, new Colors reached the 27th and the old ones were put to rest.
It might be mentioned here that the 27th Infantry was organized during the Spanish-American War for service in Cuba. It also served in the Philippines at Mindanao in the campaign against the Moros; then it returned to Fort Sheridan in the States and on to the Mexican Border and Vera Cruz. The unit then returned to the Philippines; from here it left for Siberia.
- Arrival of the SHERMAN -
On August 21, 1918 the army transport SHERMAN arrived at Vladivostok with the men of the 31st Infantry Regiment. They had come from the tropical Philippine Islands.
The men debarked directly on the dock. On this occasion there were no strikers. Apparently, the Russian workers were loath to lose pay as they had upon the arrival of the 27th Regiment. After the unloading, however, when the laborers again had money, they again resorted to striking just at the time that the SHERMAN was ready to depart at 5 pm.
In a history of the 31st Regiment, it is noted that a tent camp had been established by the men at Gornostai Valley in the northern Vladivostok sector. Some detachments of Americans were sent there prior to being sent out along the Ussuri line.
Clint Stephenson of the 31st Regiment stated that when they reached the tent area it was almost dark. “The Captain halted the company and said we could find our tents. My squad found one and pitched tents. That night nearly everyone froze to death. All we had was one little blanket. When we awoke in the morning and saw the way we had pitched our tents in the dark we had to laugh at the crazy set of alinements.”
Stephenson was suffering from dysentery and could not go on. He reported sick and was placed on a boat and taken to “some island where the Japanese and the Red Cross had a hospital.” He observed: “I was taken by stretcher. A Japanese nurse then put me in a tub and gave men a bath. Later I was assigned to a four-bed ward and found myself with three English soldiers. My bed had no mattress or springs, just a blanket over bare boards. When the Japanese doctor found out I was an American I was pretty sure I was going to live. I didn’t think he would risk letting his first American soldier die. But I must say he knew his profession for in a few days I was blocked from the runs.”
Stephenson said that the doctor came in one morning and stated that he was going to administer an enema to Stephenson.
“I didn’t know what an enema was so I told him I wanted CC pills.”
The answer was “No. You will take an enema.”
“Later a nurse came in with a bottle with a long hose attached. I tried to drink from the hose, not knowing the function of an enema. The poor nurse was distracted as she spoke no English. The Tommies were guffawing. One of them told me what an enema was. When I heard, I absolutely refused to have one.”
Then Stephenson heard rumors that the outfit was leaving for Moscow. He did not want to be left behind so begged for permission to leave.
The doctor’s reply was “No.”
The Englishmen shook their heads in disbelief and said that they could not understand Americans.
UNREADABLE ………… fight and yet you want to get out.”
The doctor came in and said he did not understand Americans either and added: “One day you are nearly dead and the following day you want to get out.”
The young soldier did recover after remaining in the hospital for a month. Upon finishing officer’s school later, he remarked, “Sergeants Beck, Cranford and I turned in our commissions and were subjected to a two hour’s reprimand regarding the spending of governmental money needlessly. Nevertheless, I stayed with the Officers’ Mess until the following May when we went up to Shkotovo.”
Other men of the 31st Regiment recalled the arrival at Vladivostok. Harry Rohrer reported that after finally docking, the gangplank was lowered and the “men filed down to good old terra firma. Cripes it was good to be on land again.” Irving Dexter recorded in his diary that they made camp on the 22nd of August and worked the next two days. Guy Killman noted that after they arrived they were shipped out on the railway to different detachments. “Company M was scattered later in small detachments for about 100 miles. Our company was only 75 strong at the time. We never got any heavy clothing until we got back to Vladivostok where we received new men to make up our lost strength of 250 men. Then we were shipped to the Suchan Mines. While there, a good deal later, we did receive our heavy clothing.”
Earl R. Perry recalled that they were given shots and then mustered out to different commands. “I drew Headquarters Company, 31st Infantry and was given a briefing.”
On the morning after the arrival, the men awoke to reveille and wondering what the day would bring forth.
Rohrer stated that they had brief calisthenics in the cold air and then fell in for a breakfast of bacon, coffee and spuds. He was a member of K Company, 31st, which was assigned to guard the Base of Supplies and the German POW’s.
V.E. Hockett, with Company B, recalled the large brick barracks which were made available but said that the men were kept moving from one of these to another while on guard duty.
Jesse Ward of M Company recalled that most of the men were disgusted with the poor sanitary conditions in Vladivostok. He added: “The city had an odor that I can still smell, by fancy, after over 50 years.”
Rohrer and Asa Williams expressed disgust at the general conditions and Harry Bullard of H Company stated: “Being surprised is expressing it mildly. The Japanese seem to have everything under their control.” Victor Stanfield recalled his first duty. “It was a 24-hour guard duty at the Base. The Third Battalion of the 31st was commanded by Lt. Colonel S.C. Loring.”
Corporal W.H. Johnson who was with the Headquarters Band and Company C wrote his dad that after a pleasant trip, except for a rough day on the China Sea, they had shore leave at Nagasaki and enjoyed the sights before leaving for Vladivostok. His letter, written August 28, 1918, was severely censored. He stated: “I have been in Siberia for seven nights and have not slept twice in the same place, and have only had my shoes off three times. We are located in a large brick building now but no telling how long we will stay here. I don’t have the least idea where the rest of the Regiment is for we are all stationed at different posts….There are some (censored) troops who are bloody well buggered up in the first part of the war, also a (censored) troops. Have seen a lot of (much censoring) and some of our troops have the pleasure of guarding them at work (very long censoring). We have been very busy and are not allowed to leave quarters after 6 pm. I don’t know of any of our troops being killed yet but one was wounded. Our work is dangerous but there has not been any fighting in the city for over a month. The city is in the hands of our Russian Allies but it isn’t safe to be out at night. We have armed enemies (censored) away and there was a bunch of Russians, who had been wounded, at the dock to meet us as we came in. So we stand a good chance of seeing some action. The sailors from an (censored) gave us a cheer when we came in but now we are separated from the rest of the world. We can’t talk and have not received any mail as yet, but sometimes we get a little news from the ship in the harbor. Have learned some Russian words already and have a great time teaching the Russian soldiers our language and learning theirs. I am getting along fine but notice quite a change in the climate and from the looks of the buildings it must get pretty cold here in winter. Don’t worry about me here for I am having the time of my life. Most likely a few of use will meet a bullet some night on guard but that is to be expected in a place where there is so many different factions as there is here. I have had a experience of an army on the move now and have had to sleep in our little pup tents a couple of times. If I could write everything I wanted to this would be quite a letter but I suppose our mail will be censored.”
The civil war that had been raging resulted in the overrun of partisan bands and guerrillas and, although the United States was not at war with any faction, the troops were frequently fired upon. The small detachments were kept busy chasing these bands and in some cases several companies were organized to march against the resistance. Strong tactical positions had to be taken along the railroads.
The men who were to leave Vladivostok were told that they were to guard the Trans-Siberian Railroad and assist the Russian Railway Service Corps to keep traffic moving. They were also to guard American supplies, munitions, ordinance and property for the Allies. They were to assist the Czecho-Slovaks and the Russian Police in preserving order.
When the troops landed companies were formed and assignments were made. Jesse Ward said they ate their meals out in the open on the wharf and a lot of children gathered around them begging for food. Ward recalled, “I heaved a potato with a jacket on, to one of them and he said ‘spacebo’ so I learned my first Russian word.”
The Signal Corps was attempting to keep the American Headquarters advised of all happenings. Some 30 messages were sent out by wire each day. These mounted to about 1000 words each. In addition, there were press bulletins for the Committee for Public Information to all troops between Vladivostok and Chita which also came to about 1000 words daily. This work kept the Signal Corpsmen on the alert.
Communications were also established with various points of importance to the expedition. Line #219 from Vladivostok to Khabarovsk and a number of branch connections were made with communications eventually extended to Chita, some 1850 miles from Vladivostok, via Khabarovsk.
Footnotes
Much of the information has been taken from correspondence, diaries, letters and personal records of the men who served in Siberia.
WDNA refers to War Department section of the National Archives in Washington.
RRSC refers to the Russian Railway Service Corps.
